Explanation on National Interest Essay

Explanation on National Interest Essay.

The national interest often referred to by the French term raison d’état, is a country’s goals and ambition whether economic, military or cultural. The notion is an important one in international relations where pursuit of the national interest is the foundation of the realist school. The national interest of a state is multi faced. Primary is the states survival and security. Also important is the pursuit of wealth and economic growth and power. Many states, especially in modern times, regard the preservation of the nation’s culture as of great importance.

It is also undeniable that the national interest of a state is interrelated to the states internal situation and most critically to the international environment. Other then that the personalities and background of the decision makers are considered with the factors based on decision making modals such as: comprehensive rational actor modal, the bound rationality decision, and the bureaucratic modal to formulate foreign policies that are aimed to protecting the national interest.

The national interest of the state as long as Malaysia is concerned, is the preservation, protection and enhancement of the core values of the state.

Looking at this point of view we could project five core values, which are: i) The preservation of sovereignty and political autonomy ii) The preservation of national security iii) Economic development and prosperity iv) The preservation of one’s cultural, social, religious values – ones way of life v) Enhancing the country’s image, influence and power abroad and in the international system Looking at our time line, that is 1957 to 1980, I would like to synchronize the core values above to the national interest and related foreign policy decisions during the tenure of Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj (1957-1970), Tun Abdul Razak (1970-1976) and Tun Hussein Onn (1976-1981)

TUNKU ABDUL RAHMAN (1957-1970)

The first premier of Malaysia, held key position during the shadow cabinet prior to the independence as the chief minister of the then Malaya. Tunku continued as the first Prime Minister of the newly independent Federation of Malaya, then Malaysia from 1957 to 1971.

During this tenure Malaya’s national interest during the 6 years of its existence and Malaysia was focusing in preserving the sovereignty of the state and political autonomy over various aspects. Regarding the sovereignty of the state, Malaya didn’t have a strong military in place to safeguard the newly awarded territory from enemies and insurgence. It also faced problems in setting up the government machinery as it lacked the men power to do the job. Malaya’s “independent foreign policy, the Tunku declared, was not neutral, the country’s fundamental security concerns made it undoubtedly anti communist not in any evalangical sense. It was simply to protect our independence” Malaya negotiated a bilateral mutual defense agreement with Great Britain. The Anglo-Malayan Defense Agreement (AMDA), before independence and signed it forty two days after it became free. Under the treaty Britain was to defend Malaya from any external attacks; and to train and develop the Malaysian armed forces. Malaya in turn undertook to help Britain in the event of an attack on British Colonial territories in the region – Hong Kong, Singapore, North Borneo, Sarawak and Brunei.

Malaya alsoallowed the stationing of commonwealth strategic forces comprising of Britain, Australian and New Zealand forces into the country. Malaya needed the AMDA to defend its independence, sovereignty and security of its people. It had necessarily to be cautious and conservative in its defense policy and relation with foreign powers. As has been noted, Malaya stayed out of SEATO and this was made possible because there was a sense of security provided by AMDA. It scrupulously resisted membership in SEATO because it could not afford to leave itself open to charges as being an ally of the United States of America by joining the SEATO. This could abrupt relations with neigbouring Indonesia and other countries that Malaya was having relations with like China. As stated by Leifer:

Membership in SEATO might well have alienated a number of States in Asia with whom Malaya have sought friendly relations, as well as suggesting to its sizeable Chinese Community that the country was to become involved in an anti-Chinese combination. Malaya at this moment also took a undertaking that marked the beginning of a regional association, Association of the South East Asia (ASA) in Bangkok in 1961, with only Thailand and the Philippines as members. This was aimed to create an affluent society, stability and strong economy.After which this organization became anonymous, mainly because of the creation of Malaysia in 1963 that brought to the ‘konfrontasi’ by Indonesia from 1962 to 1966 through a Peace Agreement signed in Djakarta on August 11, 1966. This moved forward in forming ASEAN in 1967. Other then these initiatives, Malaysia under Tunku Abdul Rahman also championed the notion of OIC, Organization of Islamic Conference in 1961.

This was an idea of an Islamic Commonwealth that may build closer ties between Islamic nations from all regions in various aspects like the British Commonwealth itself. This was in line to have a union that would help Malaysia in continuing growth, seeming the decline in Anglo- Malayan relations towards the end of Tunku’s tenure. As Tunku retired from Malaysian political scene in 1970, it was most appropriate that he led the secretariat of his brainchild the OIC. Still keeping the national interest of the state in mind, Tunku made OIC a platform for Malaysia to express itself concerning Islam and its brothers. Other then safe guarding the sovereignty of the state, Tunku also had to determine the political autonomy in various sectors. This was very essential in economic sector as Malaya and then Malaysia was very much still playing in to the needs of the former colonial economy plans. As the first five year economic plan of Malaya was laid by the British administration in 1955, it consisted was very much in a shape to safeguard the interest of the British in Malaya at that time.

In economic matters, Malaya paid great attention to getting protection and fair price for those primary commodities, rubber and tin which financed Malaya’s prosperity, those growths is always subject to world market fluctuation beyond its control. As a result, in economic relations Malaya did not distinguish between a communist country and non-communist country although it was primarily an anti-communist administration. Trade has always been a main Malayan national interest. Previously Great Britain and the west monopolized trade with Malaya. After independence, trade relations with east, mainly Japan have been increasingly important.

As quoted from J.Saravanamuttu; exports of Malayan commodities was 18.5% to Great Britain and only 9.4% to Japan in 1958, but this changed to 8.3% export to Great Britain and a staggering 14.7% to Japan in 1963. This was an increase of about 5% in export to Japan and at the same time a reduction of about 10% in export to Great Britain, which very much shows the change in national interest from a western dependent states changing sides to safeguard its interests.

This continued very much till 1967, ten years after independence Malaysia, was struggling to release itself. The Finance Minister then, Tun Tan Siew Sin commenced his economic review of the year 1967 by stating that “the general slackening of economic activity in the major industrial countries and hence in the growth of the world trade in 1967…adversely affected the performance of the Malaysian economy during the past year.” Malaya and Malaysia later had an economy predominantly based in exporting raw materials as is frequently pointed out, during the colonial period the home countries were interested in their colonies primarily as source of raw materials. Therefore the economic development that occurred in the colonies was almost exclusively in the raw materials sector.

TUN RAZAK (1970-1976)

Tun Abdul Razak took the premiership in as an end to a very long power transition process. Following the May 13th incident in 1969, Tun Abdul Razak became the director of the National Operation Council in 1969, disbanding the parliament. Tun Razak was made prime minister after three years in 1971.

Malaysia during Tun Razak was also a country that was just through confrontation that had to reassure to its neighbors on its existence. Malaysia was still having a national interest that emphasizes security and solidarity. The sense of security provided by the former colonial through AMDA was coming to an end when Britain announced its intentions to begin an immediate reduction of its military forces in Malaysia and Singapore as a part of overall retrenchment of British power east of Suez. Malaysia had to seek a different assistance that was when immediately after ousting of AMDA, FPDA – The Five Power Defense Agreement was signed between, Britain, Australia, New Zealand, Singapore and Malaysia. The national interest that can be related to the period of Tun’s premiership is the economic development and prosperity. To full fill this national interest, Tun rearranged Malaysian foreign policy from pro-western to non-aligned, from anti-communist to neutrality in ASEAN. The non-aligned stance of foreign policy during Tun, he believed that “…Malaysian conservatism and over-dependence upon alignment with the western democracies no longer adequately served the national needs”

However, this doesn’t mean Malaysia distance itself from western countries but itself from western countries. Malaysia opted to open its prospects of relations to countries without any country that wished to establish diplomatic relations with Malaysia. As an example, this policy lead to the opening of relationship with the people’s republic of China in may 1974, to establish formal diplomatic relationship. This same principal was applied to all other states regardless of their ideology. Malaysia to emphasize this commitment in being a non-aligned state did also join the Non-Aligned Movement in 1970 at the Lusaka Summit. In this summit also Malaysia proposed the neutralization of South East Asia as a region.

This was driven by the environment of cold war, Tun wanted to keep South East Asia out of it to maintain peace and stability. By doing so, Tun created the ASEAN Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality (ZOPFAN). From Malaysia’s perspective, involvement of superpowers in internal affairs as such that was going on in Vietnam during the Vietnam War, where the United States, Soviet Union and China participated vigorously created major conflict. To make this possible, five countries opted to sign the Kuala Lumpur Declaration in 1971.

TUN HUSSEIN ONN (1976-1980)

Tun Hussein Onn took over as the Prime Minister in early January 1976, after the sudden death of Tun Razak in London. Malaysia faced a first succession crisis during this period, which was also followed by various other conflicts of interest and diplomatic corner stone’s during the short premiership of Tun Hussein Onn. National interest of Malaysia at this point of time changed due to the various external changes and internal turbulence. At this period of time Malaysia witnessed the peak of Cold War and the closest Malaysia got to the direct events of Cold War and Proxy War.

The major events being mentioned is the Vietnam War. This war involved major blocks involving United States, China and the Soviet Union. This war created insecurity in the region and in Malaysia in particular. By the signing of Soviet-Vietnamese Friendship Treaty in November 1978, and the invasion of Kampuchea a month later the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV) was now regarded as capable of aggression, of upsetting territorial integrity and of stimulating new big power military alignments.

This shows particularly the events that challenged the very existences of neighboring states of SRV. Following is the direct fear caused by the capabilities of SRV:

Malaysia was disturbed to realize that the SRV offensive against Kampuchea was not directed against the Khmer Rouge army but at total occupation. Vietnam military potential exceeded that of any other Southeast Asian Country, or even a combination of them. Hot pursuit across the Thai border could affect Malaysia, and Vietnam’s acquisition of frigates and amphibious landing vessels broadens its geographic capabilities. This security concerns made Malaysia increase the military expenditure. These changes did not solve any problem because, Tun Hussein was facing a new problem all of a sudden, the “boat people”. Human waves were landing on the east coast of Malaysia from the SRV, approximately 121,621 over a period of one year. This influx caused serious internal problems, economically and ethnically. By mid-1979, the problem assumed a crisis proportions, and the then deputy prime minister, Dr.Mahathir, made his famous statement, the forced expulsion of all “illegal immigrants”. Following this the Vietnamese government gave assurance of a reduced and better regulated exodus at the Geneva Conference.

Consequently, Malaysia’s intake has declined less than one hundred ethnic Vietnamese per month. By Mid-November, more than 83,000 boat people had been resettled in 22 countries, leaving 38,932 in Malaysia. The United States Continued to take about 3000 refugees monthly. This issue was followed by the Cambodian situation, the Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia, brought to the second wave of Boat people. This was solved by the late Tun in a diplomatic way. At first Malaysia recognized the democratic government of Kampuchea under the prime minister Pol Pot despite the enormity of his atrocities.

Vietnamese armed intervention violated the principle of nonaggression and noninterference in the internal affairs of an independent country. Defending the Pol Pot regime for a principle became an embarrassing task but was appreciated by the United Nations, which voted on November 15 for the withdrawal of foreign troops by a 91 to 21 vote, with 29 absentees. This events slowly reduced the influx of Boat People into Malaysia, which eventually dropped and left few to be sent back home by Malaysia. This concurrent events shaped Malaysian national interest of security and peace, also to be neutral from communist influence. Tun Hussein Onn’s way of handling of the issue was nothing but professional. He kept Malaysia in a safe distance from the conflict but did not ignore the threat the situation imposed on Malaysia.

CONCLUSION

As a conclusion, Malaysian national interest in the first two decades of its existence was to protect its sovereignty and generate economic strength. The first three premiers of Malaysia had their own personalities that also contributed to this. Malaysia transformed from Pro-Western to Neutral in 20 years that very much changed the policies and the nature of Malaysian view on matters. The next two decades, along the premiership of Tun Mahathir Malaysia evolved very much based on the basics set by his predecessors, In terms of national interest and allies.

References:

Dato’ Abdullah Ahmad(1985). Tengku Abdul Rahman And Malaysia’s Foreign Policy 1963-
1970. Kuala Lumpur: Berita Harian Publishing Sdn. Bhd.

Michelle Leifer(1974). The Foreign Relation of the State. Australia: Victoria

Vincent K.Pollard(1970). ASA and ASEAN,1961-1967:Southeast Asian Regionalism. Asian Survey, Vol. 10, No.3, p246.

J.Saravanamuttu (1983), ‘The Dilemma of Independence – Two Decades of Malaysian Foreign Policy 1957-1977’, Penang: Malaysia, p.32-35

Joseph W. Dodd (1969). The Colonial Economy 1967: The Case of Malaysia. Asian Survey, Vol.9, No.6, p.439.

Marvin Ott (1968), Malaysia the search of solidarity and security,” Asian Survey, Vol.8, No.2, A
Survey of Asian In 1967: Part II, p.130

Paridah Abdul Samad. (2001). Tun Abdul Razak. A Phenomenon in Malaysian politics. A
political biography. Kuala Lumpur: Partison Publication.

Robert O. Tilman & Jo H Tilman (1977), 1976: A Year of Challenge, A Year of Change. Asian
Survey, Vol.17, No.2, A Survey of Asia in 1976: Part 2. p.143.

Hans H. Indorf (1980), Malaysia 1979: A Preoccupation With security. Asian Survey, Vol.20,
No.2, A Survey of Asia in 1979: Part II, pp. 136. Finance Minister Tan’s economic review of 1967 can be found in Warta Malaysia (Kuala Lumpur: Federation of Malaysia, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting) Vol. IV, No.4, pp.4-5, 7.

Explanation on National Interest Essay

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