Are you looking for History Homework Help? We got you covered. We have a pool of well-trained writers capable of writing, editing, proofreading, and formatting your paper to the required style (APA, MLA, HAVARD, CHICAGO, OSCOLA).
The Effects of World War II on Racial and Gender Relations
The end of World War II marked a change in most nations. In 1943, there were pushes for equality regardless of race, or gender. The Executive Order No. 8802 was put into place on June 25, 1941, which was meant to make good use of all obtainable workforce and to eradicate biased occupation practices.[1] During the war, the country required the all-out engagement of all persons irrespective of color, creed, race, or origin.[2] Therefore, during this period they required the entire available workforce to ensure the prosecution of the war.
The Effects of World War II on Racial and Gender Relations
The President, Roosevelt declared that the country needed a lot of people for the war and thus they could not discriminate people based on race, color or originality. He declared that there would be no discernment in occupation in the war businesses of in the administration due to color, race, originality, creed, or any other kind of biases. During this period, he stated that all contracting agencies should include, in their contracts, a clause that is against any form of discrimination.[3] The time between 1941 and 1945 experienced a lot of transformation in gender relations. For example, some women moved from their homes to take advantage of the wartime opportunities, while a large number remained in their places, organizing home front initiatives so as to raise funds, raise morale, and fill in the jobs left by men.[4] This period helped women reshape and stretch their gender roles and norms and move past the prewar social and economic structure. Their services might have been needed temporary until the war was over, but they took advantage of these times and were considered crucial during emergencies and this period in general. There were contradicting ideas that they were only needed for a time and they had to oblige. However, their roles could not be understated because they filled in the shoes of men, they helped them in the battlefield, trying to motivate them, and look at them where possible.
Bibliography
McEuen, Melissa. “Women, Gender, and World War II.” Oxford Research Encyclopedias. Last modified June 2016. http://americanhistory.oxfordre.com/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.001.0001/acrefore-9780199329175-e-55.
Roosevelt, Franklin. “Executive Order 8802 (1941),” Black Past. N.d. http://www.blackpast.org/primary/executive-order-9346-establishing-committee-fair-employment-practice.
[1] Franklin Roosevelt, “Executive Order 8802 (1941),” Black Past, N.d., http://www.blackpast.org/primary/executive-order-9346-establishing-committee-fair-employment-practice.
[4] Melissa McEuen, “Women, Gender, and World War II,” Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Last modified June 2016, http://americanhistory.oxfordre.com/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.001.0001/acrefore-9780199329175-e-55.
Place this order or similar order and get an amazing discount.
Abraham Lincoln may have played a large part in the emancipation of slaves but does not deserve the high praise accorded to him as the great emancipator. Evidently, from the beginning, he was only after saving the union rather than the commitment to end slavery. In a letter to Horace Greeley, he argued that his paramount object in the struggle was to save the Union stating that if he could save the Union without freeing all the slaves, then he would do it. Therefore, this shows that his objectives were to preserve the Union even if they led to emancipation.
Both critics and admirers still relate to the issue that gave him this term, with some arguing that because he was in office during the proclamation of emancipation, that did not make him the great liberator (Rhodes, 2016). He recognized that the preservation of the Union would offer run-away slaves refuge and thus denying the south their workforce. However, Lincoln only agreed to use escaped slaves as soldiers in the Union after he was convinced it would weaken the South and in turn shorten the war.
As president, Lincoln issued an Emancipation proclamation that is wrongly perceived to have the greatest repercussions in the emancipation. The proclamation only served to free slaves in the rebelling states and territories and did nothing for the others.
In the fifth debate with Stephen Douglas at Galesburg, Lincoln offered a view that the blacks were not supposed to be made voters and the white man should remain superior over the black man (Landry, 2016). This argument shows that his initial motives were not to free the slaves, these just developed over time because they would save his image.
Lincoln freed the slaves, and because of this, he is among the greatest leaders ever left. However, his journey began with different ideologies, and that is why some people regard him as the man who freed African-American slaves while other relate to him as an opportunist (Friedman). One can argue that his motives were not to free slaves from the beginning; these were just a means to an end.
References
Friedman, M. J. (n.d.). Lincoln as Emancipator —Lincoln and the slavery debate. Retrieved from http://photos.state.gov/libraries/finland/788/pdfs/abraham_lincoln.pdf
Landry, A. (2016, April 19). Abraham Lincoln: Enigmatic president, and full of contradictions. Retrieved from https://indiancountrymedianetwork.com/history/events/abraham-lincoln-enigmatic-president-and-full-of-contradictions/
Rhodes, H. (2016). Abraham Lincoln: enigmatic president, and full of contradictions. Retrieved from https://indiancountrymedianetwork.com/history/events/abraham-lincoln-enigmatic-president-and-full-of-contradictions/
Lincoln as the Great Emancipator
Abraham Lincoln may have played a large part in the emancipation of slaves but does not deserve the high praise accorded to him as the great emancipator. It is evident that from the beginning, he was only after saving the union rather than the commitment to end slavery. In a letter to Horace Greeley, he argued that his paramount object in the struggle was to save the Union stating that if he could save the Union without freeing all the slaves, then he would do it. Therefore, this shows that his objectives were to preserve the Union even if they led to emancipation.
Both critics and admirers still relate to the issue that gave him this term, with some arguing that because he was in office during the proclamation of emancipation that did not make him the great liberator (Rhodes, 2016). He recognized that the preservation of the Union would offer run-away slaves refuge and thus denying the south their workforce. However, Lincoln only agreed to use escaped slaves as soldiers in the Union after he was convinced it would weaken the South and in turn shorten the war.
As president, Lincoln issued an Emancipation proclamation that is wrongly perceived to have the greatest repercussions in the emancipation. The proclamation only served to free slaves in the rebelling states and territories and did nothing for the others.
In the fifth debate with Stephen Douglas at Galesburg, Lincoln offered a view that the blacks were not supposed to be made voters and the white man should remain superior over the black man (Landry, 2016). This argument shows that his initial motives were not to free the slaves, these just developed over time because they would save his image.
Lincoln freed the slaves, and because of this, he is among the greatest leaders ever left. However, his journey began with different ideologies, and that is why some people regard him as the man who freed African-American slaves while other relate to him as an opportunist (Friedman). One can argue that his motives were not to free slaves from the beginning; these were just a means to an end.
References
Friedman, M. J. (n.d.). Lincoln as Emancipator —Lincoln and the slavery debate. Retrieved from http://photos.state.gov/libraries/finland/788/pdfs/abraham_lincoln.pdf
Landry, A. (2016, April 19). Abraham Lincoln: Enigmatic president, and full of contradictions. Retrieved from https://indiancountrymedianetwork.com/history/events/abraham-lincoln-enigmatic-president-and-full-of-contradictions/
Rhodes, H. (2016). Abraham Lincoln: enigmatic president, and full of contradictions. Retrieved from https://indiancountrymedianetwork.com/history/events/abraham-lincoln-enigmatic-president-and-full-of-contradictions/
Place this order or similar order and get an amazing discount.
Cold War Influences on American Culture, Politics, and Economics
The US and the Soviet Union took different political angles after the Second World War. This, in turn, led to the rise of the Cold War immediately after the War. The main cause of the battle is each of the two nation needed to expand its political ideology to as many nations as possible. The Soviet Union represented a communist dictatorship while the United States represented capitalist democracy (Cohen, 2004). Since they were the most prominent superpower nations, their antagonistic views became the world conflict. The different between the US and the USSR is clearly seen in their different stands during the various war such as Korean and Vietnam War. Both of the nation they did military engagements so as to become victorious with their political ideology. America led to the formation of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) that aim of holding the Soviet Union from spreading communism ideology in Europe and the rest of the world (Wagnleitner, 2000). The war which ended at the beginning of the 1990s, it had various domestic and international impacts of the American economy, culture and economic.
The topic is very interesting and meaningful to discuss because the America was able to spread its economy worldwide. Since the American encouraged for the capitalist economy, it was the main beneficially after emerging victorious in the cold war. The cold war was very useful to the black- American because the racial discrimination ended during the 1980s. Eventually, blacks were given the right to vote and given equal chances of getting jobs as whites. Although the American had no much change as a result of the cold war, its culture interacted with other culture in the fight to spread capitalism. The political fight between Soviets Union and the US did not affect only European continent, but also the United States was able to adopt a policy of containment (Hixson, 1997). The United States used this political policy to prevent the Soviet Union from spreading communism policy.
References
Cohen, L. (2004). A consumers’ republic: The politics of mass consumption in postwar America. Journal of Consumer Research, 31(1), 236-239.
Hixson, W. L. (1997). Parting the curtain: Propaganda, culture, and the Cold War, 1945-1961. Macmillan.
Wagnleitner, R. (2000). Coca-colonization and the Cold War: the cultural mission of the United States in Austria after the Second World War. University of North Carolina Press.
Place this order or similar order and get an amazing discount.
Fredrick Douglas was an American political figure who served as the slave and contributed a lot to the American government and the freedom of slaves in 1865. The narrative of his life history is among of the few narratives existing that explain the situation of the life of slavery after the American Revolution. He describes the system of slavery in Maryland and the hardship the slave faced that made them organize to fight for their freedom. His life gives a clear picture of the circumstances faced by slaves after the abolishment of slavery. There are many things learned from the life of Fredrick Douglas.
Fredrick Douglas was born in 1818 in slavery at the Maryland United States. He was abortionist, statesmanship, author, activist and Oracle. Douglas had a chance of attending to school to the master level and proofed that African could read, write, and perform well as the Native American the situation that never existed during those times in America. He was able to acquire knowledge in schools environment that was full of the whites. Douglass was able to escape from the slavery in 1833 where he run away to New York and become the preacher. From 1842 he spoke openly against slavery and published various anti-slavery articles. He proved to have outstanding skills and strong heart when he met with the group of anti –slavery lecturers. In 1844, Douglas was able to buy his freedom from his former master. In 1945, he published his autobiography, which became popular and best selling in America and Europe (Blight 313). The autobiography inspired many of people who were antislavery.
Douglass was a strong supporter of women right movement. His support contributed in ending gender-based discrimination. In 1848, he was the first African to attend women’s rights convention at New York (Blight 319). His opinion in the meeting impressed many women’s rights activists during those times. He said he would not stand to vote for African American men if women are not granted their freedom to vote. Although he supported the 15th amendment that gives African-American right to vote and restrict women, he openly supported women right activist all through his life.
With the help of John Brown an American white who was against slavery, he was able to form an anti-slavery movement that takes part in American civil war. John told Fredrick without violence, and bloody fight slavery cannot end in America. In the whole era of the 1850s, Fredrick was in a close relationship with John Brown who encouraged him on fights for slavery rights. In 1859, Douglass and Brown they were able to mobilize slaves to be involved in American civil war that was on its way coming. Douglass was among of African American who was recruiting the soldiers to fight in American civil war. He was authorized to recruit the soldiers to fight in American civil war in Washington Dc in 1863 (Blight 321). After the slavery the contributed a lot in realizations of various reforms in constitution during the reconstruction period. Douglas shocked many since he was the first African-American to serve in the president palace as the vice president. In life after life, he served in prominent positions in the government of United States since he was appointed as an Ambassador of United States in other countries. Douglass succumbed in 1895 due to natural causes.
Melville and Gogol each wrote a novel with almost the same theme of towering master. The main character of the stories was hard to understand. Both stories they dealt with a man who is frustrated in their lives and isolated from family due to the nature of work. In both cases, the character was obedient to their master and never questioned the task given to them by their master. Akaky in Nikolai Gogol short novel the overcoat is displayed as a naïve and isolated person who has his ambition of life. Akaky was a hard work person who worked as a copyist in government clerk office. Akaky had an old overcoat, which he took it to tailor for severally to the point of being irreparable. Akaky was advised to buy a new overcoat. He saved his meager salary for a very long time so that he can make enough money to purchase a new overcoat. He finally bought the coat, but he did not last with it for a long time before being robbed the coat. He reported the matter to authority, but he never got any help. He decided to approach his general, but the general was furious with Akaky case, which he termed it to be personal. Sooner Akaky felt sick and succumbed out of the cold. Before he died, he cursed the general, and his ghost kept tormenting the general several days after his death. Bartleby was also the typewriter who was also dedicated to working for his master the Attorney. He never questioned the entire task his master gave him. He was unlike the other three workers where each had a weakness. Bartleby was perfectly fair and reasonable. In all tasks, his master he accepted with using words “I would prefer not to,” which means acceptance, gave him. The other workers were furious with Bartleby character.
Works Cited
Blight, David W. Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass: An American Slave, Written by Himself. Macmillan Higher Education, 2016.
Place this order or similar order and get an amazing discount.
Plate Tectonics (from the Greek word tektonikos, meaning “to build”)
I. The Theory (in a nutshell): Continents and ocean floors are fractured into separate lithospheric plates (i.e. crust + uppermost mantle) that move independenly and in different directions… This results in earthquakes, volcanic activity, and the building of mountains.
Origins of the Theory
Abraham Ortelius was first to speculate on continental fit (1596)
Alfred Wegener (called Father of Continental Drift / Plate Tectonics): This German geophysicist and meteorologist publicly presented his theory in 1912, then published it in 1915. The theory was considered revolutionary. He studied rocks, plants, fossils, and the “fit” of the continents. This was NOTsufficient proof for scientists.
The Evidence to Support the Theory (list is roughly in chronological order)
Matching Coastlines (Continental Fit): The shapes of the coastlines – especially around the Atlantic Ocean – appear to match. Modern underwater surveys have documented a much closer fit beneath the surface than is observed at the surface.
Matching Geology: Scientists have documented numerous examples of RARE AND UNIQUE rock samples separated by thousands of miles of ocean.
Matching Biology (both living and fossilized): Scientists have documented hundreds of examples of related species (and/or groups of species) of plants and animals which are separated by oceans; in many of these cases the species ARE NOT able to float, swim or fly. Also, many RARE AND UNIQUE fossilized species are found separated as well.
Ocean Floor Topography (Bathymetry): Long mid-ocean ridges and long oceanic trenches found in linear patterns around the world.
Global Earthquake Patterns: Linear patterns of earthquakes match pattern of mid-ocean ridges and oceanic trenches around the world. The patterns actually form shapes!!!
Linear Chains of Volcanoes: Linear volcanic mountain ranges and volcanic island chains match pattern of oceanic trenches around the world.
Ocean Floor Rock ALL VOLCANIC!!!! All ocean floor rock comprised of basalt – a volcanic rock!!!!
Heat Emanating from Mid-Ocean Ridges: Likely from slow cooling of lavas, which can take millions of years.
Age of Ocean Floor Rock: Rock at mid-ocean ridges is consistently the youngest, becoming older as you travel away in either direction. In general, there is no “old” rock on the ocean floor (oldest is ONLY 208 millions years).
Earthquake Depth Pattern near Trenches : Earthquake origins shallowest at trenches, and increasingly deeper toward associated volcanoes…evidence of “diving” plate.
Extrusion of Magma at the Sea Floor: It was only recently (last fifteen years) that magma was actually observed erupting at spreading centers.
The Basics of Plate Tectonic Theory: Theory became widely accepted in the late 1960’s; renamed Plate Tectonics (previously called continental drift).
A. Structures Critical to Understanding Plate Tectonics (review)
Sea Floor Spreading (accretion): Magma rises along zones beneath the sea floor. It then splits the plate, fills the new gap, and finally cools, creating new ocean floor made of mostly basalt. Accretion refers to the addition of new crust material. The Atlantic Ocean is growing due to this process (e.g. at the Mid Atlantic Ridge).
Subduction (consumption):Where one plate dives beneath another and is consumed (melted). Consumption is the subtraction (or destruction) of plate material. The Pacific Ocean is shrinking due to this process. (e.g. at the Peru-Chile, Japan, Marianas, and Aleutian Trenches).
Past Continents, beginning with Pangaea (approx. 225mya): Wegener called his original supercontinent Pangaea (meaning “all Earth”). It split into:
Laurasia: Laurasia eventually became N. America, Europe, and Asia.
Gondwana: Gondwana eventually became S. America, Africa, Australia, and Antarctica.
Movement Continues: Lithospheric plates are in constant motion, usually moving in sudden jumps, felt as earthquakes. The lithospheric plates move at an approx rate of 5-10cm/year (50-100km per million years).
Plate Boundaries (simplified summary)
Divergent Boundaries (forces of extension):Sea Floor SpreadingContinental Rupture
Convergent Boundaries (forces of compression):Oceanic vs. Continental (subduction)Oceanic vs. Oceanic (subduction)Continental vs. Continental (continental collision or “suture”)
Transform Boundaries (shearing forces)
Detailed Plate Boundary Review
Major Plate Boundary Types
Sub-Types
Selected Important Global Examples
Selected Important Regional Examples
Associated Faulting and Volcanism**
Divergent (extensional forces)
Sea Floor Spreading*
Mid-Atlantic Rift and Ridge
Gorda Rift and RidgeGulf of California
normal faultingshield volcanoeseffusive eruptions
Continental Rupture
East African Rift
Great Basin (from Gulf of CA northward into Nevada)
Convergent (compressional forces)
Oceanic vs. Continent* (subduction)
Peru-Chile Trench and Andes Range
Cascade Trench and Cascade Range (Lassen, Shasta, Hood, Baker, Rainier, St. Helens…)
reverse and thrust faultingcomposite volcanoesexplosive eruptions
Oceanic vs. Oceanic (subduction)
Marianas Trench and IslandsPhilippines Trench and IslandsJapan Trench and Islands
Aleutian Trench and Islands (Alaska)
Continent vs. Continent (continental collision)
Himalayas (India vs. Asia)Alps
Rockies
Transform(shearing forces)
(some on land, some on ocean floor, all are similar)
North Anatolian (in Turkey)
San Andreas Fault
strike-slip faulting (right and left lateral)volcanic activity uncommon
*You must be able to draw a profile diagram of these processes – see next page. **These topics will be covered in depth in next module.
volcanic mountain range(ex. CASCADE RANGE)
ex. NORTH AMERICAN PLATE
ex. GORDA PLATE
ex. PACIFIC PLATE
oceanic trench (ex. CASCADE TRENCH)
mid-ocean rift and ridge (ex. GORDA RIDGE)
moho
moho
moho
uppermost mantle
uppermost mantle
continental crust
oceanic crust
uppermost mantle
asthenosphere
oceanic crust
asthenosphere
asthenosphere
asthenosphere
Profile Diagram of Sea Floor Spreading and Oceanic vs Continent Subduction <<<This is critically important!!!!!>>>
The Tectonic Setting of Western North America
(adapted from Fig. 10-11a, pg 322)
Practice Map for Locating Plate Boundaries
See next page for sample questions >>>>>>
Sample Questions:Questions similar to these will be on your exam. As you study you should anticipate how I might use these questions to create new questions on the same concepts.
1
Which of the following was NOT used as evidence in support of Plate Tectonic Theory? Global map showing the location of earthquakesGlobal map showing the location of landslides and mudflowsGlobal map of showing the location mid-ocean ridges and oceanic trenchesGlobal map showing the age of ocean floor rockHundreds of examples of related plants and animals – unable to float, swim, or fly – which are separated by 1000s of miles of ocean.
2
Where on the ocean floor will I find the oldest rock? A. near sea floor spreading centers B. far from sea floor spreading centers
3
What type of forces are evident at convergent plate boundaries? A. shearing B. extensional C. compressional D. recessional
4
What was the name for Wegener’s original supercontinent? A. Laurasia B. Gondwana C. Rodinia D. Pangaea E. Fossillia
5
At what type of plate boundary might I find reverse faulting?
6
A volcanic island chain such as the Marianas Islands is formed at what specific type of plate boundary? A. divergent B. convergent (oceanic vs. oceanic) C. convergent (oceanic vs. continental) D. convergent (continental vs. continental)
7
Which land mass was once connected to Laurasia? India B. North America C. South America D. Antarctica E. Australia
8
Which land mass was once connected to Gondwanaland? Greenland B. Asia C. North America D. Antarctica E. Europe
9
Approximately how fast do lithospheric plates move across the Earth? A. 0.5 mm/yr B. 5cm/yr C. 5 meters/yr D. 5km/yr E. 500km/yr
10
Which of these processes is probably most responsible for driving (or causing) tectonic plate movement? A. upwelling of magma at divergent boundaries B. tidal fluctuation C. upwelling of magma at “hot spots” D. subduction
11
Where is subduction occurring? (You will be shown a map on the exam.)
12
At which location did a continental collision (also called continental suture) occur in the past? (You will be shown a map on the exam.)
13
At which location is a continental rupture (split) occurring? (You will be shown a map on the exam.)
14
POSSIBLE ESSAY QUESTION: In the future the Atlantic Ocean will likely become larger than the Pacific. Explain this statement using plate tectonic terminology and give details and examples.
15
CRITICAL DIAGRAM QUESTION: Provide a thorough and detailed profile (sideview) diagram of sea floor spreading and subduction.
GOOD NEWS!!! The practice questions above – plus many, many more – can be found in the online practice quizzes discussed in your syllabus and in class. You can take each quiz multiple times, and each time you will get some new questions. Once submitted, the quizzes are graded automatically, with the correct answers provided immediately. This is a great way to prepare for the exams!!!
SERIOUSLY, TAKE THE ONLINE PRACTICE QUIZZES!!!
Place this order or similar order and get an amazing discount.
The Concept of French Revolution According to Alexis and Karl Marx
This discussion presents a comparative discussion on the French revolution with keen attention to Alexis de Tocqueville and Karl Marx thoughts. The concept of the revolution was a turning point event in European history which began at least in 1789 and ended around the late 1790s with the Napoleon Bonaparte rule (Stone & Mennell, 1980). These events were sparked by the discontent which the French citizens had towards the dictatorial system of government and the unfavorable economic policies instituted by King Louis XVI who was killed by guillotine. This period was marked with notable transformation majorly in the way politics was done, in the system of administration such as the monarchical and feudal systems of government.
The Concept of the French Revolution According to Alexis and Karl Marx
In regards to the masterpiece compiled by Alexis de Tocqueville in 1856, detailing the concept of the French revolution, he explains how the 18th-century societal structure in terms of culture and politics resulted to revolutions such as the epic dimension. He justifies that there is no which is so inevitable and which cannot be foreseen, just like in the case of the French revolution. In his piece, he explains how the French citizens were divided into small social groups. This allowed people to be identified by particular groups such as the poor, the rich, ruling class and servants. This extended to the way cities were managed only by the dominant families who preserved power amongst themselves. In his analysis, he points out that France lacked socially as well as politically uniting institutions. In addition, Stone & Mennell (1980) point out that social harmony in a social setting should be based on the concept of mutual fulfillment and the system of justice and human rights. He furthers that general interest should prevail over personal and private interest.
Conversely, according to Karl Max school of thought and his followers, the French revolution was politically instigated majorly in the phase of the 19th century. With regards to his general view, the French revolution seems not to be a favorable reference to the happenings of the then French regime (Marx, 1955). The Hegel political theory works in favor of Marx philosophical system. In his arguments, he views the French insurgency as an event which can be dealt with and eventually overcome. In regards to his former statements in late 1843 which were pegged on the normative anthropological notion, the revolution has emancipated a people politically. Further, Marx (1955) postulates that the current political structures are responsible for the division which are experienced by the people of an age where people are to a smaller percentage are termed as social beings. The latter statement is in line with the people living in their political sphere which doesn’t create room for their natural association. In this regards, people are secluded from one another, and everyone is concerned about their private matters. Marx argues that the metaphysics of the 17th Century in France was a replica of the Descartes who considered materialism as an antagonist to his political prowess from the very point of inception. All along Karl believed in a communal society where every member was considered essential and treated with respect at all levels.
The thoughts presented by Alexis and Marx both merged into one point. They were all against the political injustices which the French administration subjected to its citizens. The all believe that the revolution was meant to restore hope and sanity in the social, economic and political arenas where the interests of all were captured. The desired to have a society where mutual fulfillment was the basis of human survival in French society.
References
Marx, K. (1955). The eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. New York: John Wiley & Sons.
Stone, J., & Mennell, S. (1980). Alexis de Tocqueville On democracy, revolution, and society. Chicago : The University of Chicago Press.
Place this order or similar order and get an amazing discount.
Saudi Arabia is one of the most religious states in the world which has successfully combined the state (dawla), religion (din), and princes (umara) (Teitelbaum & Pipes 2001). The country has thrived on the arrangement between the royals and the religious clerics. The Al-Saud royal family provides funding and a stable structure of government which allowed the growth of a conservative religion throughout the nation, while the clerics provided the government with the religious legitimacy to rule (Teitelbaum & Pipes 2001) . The arrangement made it possible to have an authoritarian regime that uses the nation’s wealth to the favour of only the royal family. Clerics legalize all action made by the authoritarian regime even though unjustified. Arbitrary detentions and enforced disappearance were legalized by clerics as the Royals’ right to protect citizens which completely contradict with Islamic teaching. Detaining thousands of people for more than six months, in some cases for over a decade, without referring them to courts for criminal proceedings (Justice 2008) . Arbitrary detainees held for very long periods has obviously increased dramatically in recent years. Cleric Salman AlOudah has been detained since 1st September 2017 without a legal charge or indictment and was not brought to the court. It was not only the Islamists who were exposed to such violations but the intellectuals and human rights activists. The clerics were free to enforce Sharia in the country, and the Royals were free to run the wealth and affairs of the country. However, as the Saudi state grew and started embracing modernism, some changes were made, and this revealed subordination of clergy to the Royals at the expense of religion. The Royals welcomed some western ways, and this foreign influence should be rejected by the clerics (Kostiner 1996) . The royal family now is fully controlling the clerics. Conflicts arose as a result of this modernization of the country in that; the clerics support the reforms implemented by the state. Accordingly, official religious establishment became part of the government and worked in line with. The royal family wanted a more centralized system of government while citizens keen to huge reform away from the authoritarian regime.
Security grip is a royal way to keep interests and stay in power. It is impossible to talk about pluralism nor political participation as that can be conceded as disobedience of the royals and Islam teaching. In the meantime, all opposition forces are calling for democracy, pluralism and political participation. Citizens are also seeking change not calling for dropping the royals but by calling for constitutional monarchy. Citizens and opposition forces believe in the political reform which obviously unacceptable to the Royals. Therefore, citizens’ perceptions are important for more understanding the needed reform.
Saudi Arabia government approved a huge shift when prince Mohammed Bin Salman appointed as crown prince on June 21, 2017 (Barnell 2017). The new crown prince has made a number of exciting reforms, such allowing women to drive, opening cinema halls and performing concerts. Unfortunately, political reforms were not part of the crown prince’s plan. Furthermore, the crown prince has embarrassed the Wahhabi religious establishment as all his reforms contradict their approach.
Crown prince Mohammed Bin Salman stated that Saudi authority adopted Wahhabism as requested by western states to stop the Communist expansion in the late 1970s (DeYoung 2018). The statement can be considered as a coup against the religious establishment which has been silent. Opposition forces welcomed the statement as it removes the authority religious legitimacy that violates rights and confiscates freedoms.
CHAPTER TWO
Literature
The opposition in Saudi Arabia can be traced back to the early 1930s. Prior to this period, the Islamic rules were practised in accordance with the Wahhabi creed. These principles laid the basis of the Saudi expansion as an enforcer of the sharia law. The laws were used as a moral compass to guide the actions of the citizens. After the establishment of a state that was more centralized than decentralized, individuals and groups resisted the control from the state. A dispute later arose between Abd al- ‘Aziz Ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman (Ibn Sa’ud), the Saudi leader at that time, and a number of tribal groups, the Ikhwan, who were loyal to the religion and resisted being under the control of the government. Fierce disagreements arose between the leading clerics and the royals. In the 1930s, the king, Ibn Sa’ud made the Wahhabi Islam the official state religion. Only the senior clerics had supreme religious authority. This meant that all the other clerics could only conduct their affairs within the religious framework put in place by the king. He also made state interest superior to the religious interests (Matthiesen 2015) .
The Wahhabi Islam became the only moral guide in the state. However, they were only allowed to operate in accordance with the interests of the state. The clerics were limited to guiding the behaviour of the public, educating individuals, and preaching. They could not take part in governing the state. The state was run by the royals and the elite clerics. The Ikhwan tribal groups which opposed the king’s control over the people lost the battle in between 1929 and 1930 after a military help from Great Britain to King Abdulaziz. They were not able to spread their ideologies. They remained underground, and their ideas were adopted by various other opposition movements over time. The opposition in Saudi Arabia came to be as a result of people resisting change and state control (Meijer, Aarts, Wagemakers, & Kanie 2012) .
After the Second Gulf War, the opposition continued to grow. The opposition groups and individuals in this era had slightly different grievances. When the Saudi military was unable to defend the country, and the U.S military troops were called in to help, most of the people criticized the state. The royal family was seen as weak and incompetent leaders. The opposition groups that developed in this period were determined to end the reign of the royal family. There was a public outcry when the non-Muslim troops came into the country. The presence of the foreign troops in the state led to the opinion that the royal family held foreign interests in high esteem. The opposition criticized the royals as being keener on protecting the interests of outsiders (Teitelbaum & Pipes 2001) .
In the years 1991-2001, the activities of the opposition were restricted by the state. Outspoken individuals who challenged the royals were imprisoned or detained without a trial (Teitelbaum & Pipes 2001). The opposition groups such as the Movement for Islamic Reform in Arabia started operating outside Saudi Arabia to avoid being persecuted. Most of the opposition leaders used London as a base of operations. They were able to reach their supporters through the internet and the media without facing any repression from the royal family. The grievances and issues addressed were the same throughout the 1990s. Both the radicals and the liberals agreed on the issue of foreign interference (Jenkinsc 2017) .
Their oppositions have grown ever since despite the constant repression from the Saudi government. The opposition in Saudi Arabia is similar to other movements in the Middle East except for the fact that the Saudi opposition derives from the Wahhabi school of thought in that, they have their interpretation of the Sharia that they use to challenge state control as being unlawful. Some of the religious ideologies of the modern opposition and activism correspond with some of the ideas from the West, and as a result, they can influence the modern middle-class individuals (Matthiesen 2015) explain the assertion – democracy- pluralism- human rights principles. The Saudi oppositions accept and call for democracy, political participation, and pluralism that denied by Wahhabism. It is easier for them to influence the educated people since they purport to seek to address a modern issue such as corruption, human rights violations, among other things. Even though some of the oppositions have clear objective sand structures, they are at risk or becoming ineffective due to the measures were taken by the Saudi government and other interested parties in repressing opposition. This means that even though most of these oppositions exist and have a lot of influence, their activities are quashed even before they become established.
The Theory of Saudi Arabia Political Opposition
All political oppositions fighting the authoritarian regime and call for democracy but under Islamic rules (sharia law). It is common for the opposition parties in Saudi Arabia to uses the language of Islamic laws, to accuse the government of breaching the holy law by neglecting Islamic goals and deviating from Islamic practices in the administrative, economic and political affairs. The opposition party also suggests alternatives to the existing government based on the Islamic Sharia laws. The radical Islamic opposition movement such as the Tajdeed Islamic Party (Islamic Renewal party) questions theexisting state order by giving its own interpretation of Wahhabi Islam.
Liberalism enjoys a global victory in some sense, and it is perceived to perpetuate the ideals of political liberties or free trade to maximize individual freedom best. However, the opposition in Saudi Arabia believes in liberalism but under Islamic rules (not pure liberalism). The opposition in the country does not advocate a strictly secular state. The opposition is against a West’s spiritually vacant secular culture but instead want a liberal democracy’s based on divine authority. While the opposition supports most of the liberal democracies including popular elections and economic modernization, God’s sovereignty is central to the opposition politicians. The political opposition tends to align their politics with a righteous society with the precepts of shari’a; spiritualism rationalized in the technocratic ways they use to rise against the government and its absolute authority. While the Political oppositions call for Pluralism as they believe in the need for political parties and institutions of civil society, but they support the activities of the groups should be based on their interpretation of the Islamic law. Interpretation of the Islamic law differs from one group to another, but that does not change the nature of the liberalism they want to see in the country.
TheIslamicUmmaParty.
The Islamic Umma Party is regarded as the first opposition political party in Saudi Arabia. It had defied the order that forbade the existence of political parties in Saudi Arabia. The party came into being after nine Saudi scholars, and political activists came together to fight for political reforms. The party was made public on February 9th, 2011. Unlike other organizations that came before and after it, it had a very organized structure with leaders and a well spelled out (Alsalem 2011) .
After the party was formed, the officials of the party made invitations to activists who shared the same opinions to join them. As a result of this announcement, the founding members of the party were arrested and detained on 16th February that same year. The detainees included; Dr Ahmed bin Sa’ad bin Gharm al-Ghamidi who was a professor at Umm al-Qura University, Mr Sa’ud bin Ahmed al-Dughaithir a political activist, Shaykh Abdul Aziz bin Muhammad al-Wuhaybi; a lawyer and political activist; Dr Abdul Kareem bin Yusuf al-Khidhr who was a university professor, Shaykh Muhammad bin Hussein bin Ghaanim al-Qahtani, a businessman; Mr Muhammad bin Naser al-Ghamidi, a political activist, and Dr. Waleed bin Muhammad Abdullah al-Majid, a lawyer. The detention of these individuals was fueled by the fact that the party had amassed a big following using the media. Its growing influenced threatened the government which is keen on restricting opposition. The actions of the state succeeded in disabling the activities of the party for a while. However, by this time, the Islamic Umma Party had managed to capture the attention of a lot of the people in Saudi Arabia and outside the country. The party’s influence of the people made it a strong opposition organization in the country (Alsalem 2011). It was not just merely existing but also making a difference in terms of political opinions.
MovementofIslamicReforminArabia,MIRA
Robert Ryan writes an account of the MIRA opposition from its inception to the year 2005. This opposition movement was started in the early 1990s by Sa‘ad al-Faqih. Faqih was one of the founding members of another radical group, the Committee for the Defense of Legitimate Rights (CDLR). When CDLR relocated to London in 1993, he formed MIRA as an opposition movement against the regime in Saudi Arabia. The opposition movement claimed to be running in accordance with the sharia laws. After September 11, 2001, Faqih attracted the attention of the media and publicly condemned the Al-Saud family for various reasons including their exercise of power in Saudi Arabia. He claimed only to support peaceful means of resolving conflict (Ryan 2005).
The movement has a strong horizontal but weak vertical structure. It is a single person organization since it was formed by Faqih alone. This makes it very weak and is bound to disappear once its leader is disappeared — the movement aimed at removing the Al-Saud family from power using peaceful means. Faqih was an expatriate and this limited the ways through which the Saudi government would capture and imprison him. The movement was also based in London and utilized technology to reach its supporters. Ryan argues that Faqih and the movement were not as effective as they were unable to inspire any kind of reform. In 2004, Faqih called for demonstrations, but the turnout was low since public protesting is outlawed in Saudi Arabia. On the day of the protests, the government increased security troops on the streets to prevent the assembly of people and direct traffic. The other reason why there were very few people willing to take part in the demonstrations was that they did not know what they were protesting against. When Faqih called for the protests, he only told his followers to demand reforms. The movement was linked to terrorist groups. In 2004, Faqih was put on the list of al-Qaeda operatives by the United Nations Security Council (Ryan 2005) .
TajdeedIslamicParty (Islamic Renewal party).
The Tajdeed Islamic Party was formed in London. Its focus is on the jurisprudence issues that affect Muslim. It supports the “freedom of thought and believes in dialogue based on argument and evidence” (About the Ideology of Party of Islamic Renewal). This is a radical Islamist group that believes in fulfilling their duties at any cost. The growth of the influence of the group is curtailed by both the Saudi government and the Western world.
GhanemAlmasarir
Ghanem Almasarir is a Saudi human rights activist and a well-liked political comedian who is based in London. He is a known political satirist popular for hosting the Ghanem Show that features many popular sections such as “Fadfada.” The show involves criticism of the royal family using black comedy. As an individual opposition, he is very effective in reaching the people. He has a very good media presence and has over half a million followers on tweeter and more on the other social media platforms. The work he does not only sensitizes the world on what is happening in Saudi Arabia but also provides an alternative to the use of violence and threats in the fight against an oppressive regime. The show and the other video clips he publishes on websites and on YouTube reaches thousands of people. His YouTube channel and tweets are readily available to the public. The fact that he can reach a lot of people makes Ghanem one of the most effective opposition. The use of social media improves his chances of reaching the young generation.
Almasarir had been in self-imposed exile since 2003 in London, where he controlled his YouTube-based show from 2015. In his show, he condemns the Saudi royal family, whom he tags as “Salmanco” (relating to the techniques used by the King in controlling the nation in a fashion comparable to a business or as private possession) and “al-Dub al-Dasher” (means fat stray bear) correspondingly in a funny way. Almasarir accused Saud al-Qahtani, an advisor to the Saudi royal court, of being involved in crimes linked to “visa fraud” in Saudi Arabia.
Oppositions Financial Support
The Royals have not lacked the oppositions, although for a long time the Royals have been capable of containing or coopting them. After the second Gulf War, nevertheless, the socio-religious troubles that have overwhelmed the country have resulted in the development of a small opposition society that has disputed royals’ public image. The oppositions were funded later on by international countries such as Libya, Qatar, and Iran.
It has been recognized and noted that Saudi oppositions receive some financial support from states such as the former Libyan regime, Qatar, and Iran. The late Gaddafi’s regime in Libya offered financial aid to Mohammed Almassari, Saudi’s opposition leader, to assassinate former king Abdullah (Burger & Macleod 2004). Qaddafi termed the Saudis that they can even ally with the devil to save themselves. King Abdullah referred to Gaddafi as a liar and states that his grave awaits him. That was in 2003. In 2009, the two leaders insulted each other again in an Arab League summit. Gaddafi had confirmed supporting the assassination attacks on the Saudi King Abdullah. This was to happen in either of the following ways: a personal attack, or by oppositions that would overcome the Royals. Gaddafi planned to interfere and harm the royals and was looking for an opposition who were eager to get involved (Fotopoulos 2011). Al-Massari was the primary suspect of the plan who was charged for the proceedings on colluding for the murder of the late King Abdullah.
Qatar has supported the Saudi Saad Al-Faqih and others to utilize them as instruments to strike the royals. Qatar’s want to respond to the Saudi royals whom supported and planned the 1996 coup against Qatar regime. Qatar preferred to attain that objective by destabilizing UAE, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia, by supporting their arch-rival, Iran that is also planning on disrupting order in the Middle East (Almezaini & Rickli 2016).
Al-Faqih and others were paid millions of Qatari Riyals to create and spread falsehoods concerning Saudi royals. Al-Faqih, currently living in London received 395 million Qatari riyals to use in the plan, in any manner, on weaving fictions on Saudi royals (Qatarileaks 2017) . Qatar has established then use Aljazeera channel to sponsor socio-political reforms in the region. Aljazeera channel helped Saudi oppositions to spread their ideas and political projects to stepdown the Saudi royals for a limited period of time.
Iran had funded Al-Dosari since 2015 when he started his Ghanem show with Iran offering Almasarir free TV studio recording. Ghanem show could freely use the Iran network as a Saudi human rights campaigner and a well-liked political comedian to criticize the Saudi government. This provided a great chance for the Protestants in Saudi to demonstrate and disrupt the government. Ghanem show and the black comedy also gives the opposition a chance to disclose mysteries linked to the royal family and incited demonstrations against the Saudi rule.
Through external funding from Iran and its London organizations arm, Almasarir had led an opposition group referred to as “September 15 Movement.” The protest occurred all over Saudi Arabia in 2017 that has been depicted as convincing a large group of citizens. The protests supported by Almasarir led to a point where the existing crisis with Qatar had authorized gathering so many people protesters like never before that might be the reason for the anxiety of the system towards the demonstrations. London has functioned as an Arab media house. Running away from the bans at home, media personalities find liberty in exile. United Kingdome provided the safest place for Saudi Arabian oppositions.
Famous clergymen like Salman al-Ouda and Awadh al-Qarni were captured because of being detected as “pro-Doha” and a big following in social media networks that the Saudi regime dreaded would be used to aid protests mandated by Almasarir (Mabon 2018). Frequent leading priests associated with the Saudi like Grand Mufti and Saleh Al Maghamsi have pointed out flaws in Almasarir’s campaign and demanded Saudi people to oppose it.
Al-Sheikh was hosted in MBC show and assured that the advocators for protests for the 15th September campaign were supporters of fraud and sedition “fitna.” He confirmed that they do not have a good intention and that they want to disrupt the government and cause unnecessary civil war, which is promulgated by the rivals of Saudi Arabia. He has accused Almasarir of working with Iran to incite and sponsor the “September 15 Movement”. He also termed demonstrators as the advocates of ignorance “Jahiliyyah” and perverseness. Since late 2017, it was recorded that Almasarir already had about 553,000 followers on Twitter and million viewers on his YouTube-based channel.
Iran is funding and politicizing the Shia distinctiveness that is intended only to enhance tensions in Saudi Arabia and might even undermine other parts of the Middle East. Iran has long attempted to institute itself as a main, political, economic and cultural competitor in the Middle East by tactically funding the minority Shia in the area. As the leading Shia majority nation in the area, Iran has an interest in offsetting Saudi power through the area and conquering a place as a local power with worldwide accomplishment. As the Sunnis are ruled by functional governments, Iran fights to gain more influence in Iraq than all other interested parties do. Tehran would want to keep Iraq stable but would have to mediate between Shia and Sunni conflict, helping Shia regain its influence in the region but keeping them from being too powerful.
Massive Reforms in Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia is known for the history of maintaining the legacy of Islamic conservatism to shape the country’s education and economy. However, with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman ascend to power social liberalization has become central to the economic modernization, Islamic tolerance and moderation. For several years, Saudi Arabia has been an oil-dependent economy, and economic liberalization would have a significant economic impact in the country’s future.
According to Stancati (2018) , Saudi Arabia was the only country in the world that had banned women from driving, and it was considered a taboo for women to drive. Music and entertainment were also considered taboo in the country while women were also prohibited from watching soccer or getting involved in sports. However, Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s “Vision 2030” program is intended to transform the country economically, socially and culturally by lifting most of the practices that hold the country back. According to Kubersky (2018) , Saudi Arabia has pledged to use billions of dollars to modernize and overhaul the country’s entertainment sector in a bid to achieve the economic value of the sector. During an ultra-conservative past, the participation of women in public entertainment was unheard, and it was a taboo for women to enter entertainment venues. However, with reforms women are free to participate in all entertainment activities.
Most of the new reforms are intended to make the Kingdom more progressive in line with moral standards of the West. According to Thompson (2017) , Saudi Arabia under Prince Mohammed bin Salman has entered an unprecedented phase in its history with much of Kingdom’s tight religious policies being eased to alleviate the oppression many Saudis have experienced in the history of the country. Much of the religious policies have been oppressive especially on the part of women since they could not drive or participate in sports or even any kind of entertainments, but with the new reforms, women can enjoy a normal life like other women elsewhere in the world.
Saudi Arabia’s oil industry has been central to most of the benefits that are enjoyed by its citizens including free health care and subsidized housing. However, with the declining global oil prices, Mohammed bin Salman perceives that privatizing certain sectors such as the national oil industry would help diversify the economy an end the Kingdom’s overreliance on oil-economy. According to Ignatius (2018), the new reform plan is intended to make Saudi Arabia into a more entrepreneurial, more modern, less-hidebound and more youth- oriented society. Majority of the country’s population is made up of youth, and more than 12% of the labour force is unemployed. Salameh (2016) contends that the new changes will help the country become more attractive to foreign investors and empower the country’s own youth in the facing of growing underground extremist groups and limited opportunities for the youth. The revenue from oil has been declining since the prices of the product plummeted in 2014. A drive to economic diversification will help the country overcome vulnerability that arises from the reliance on oil alone.
Reforms imposed by Prince Mohammed bin Salman prove essential to Saudi Arabia’s alignment with the global social and economic changes. Diversification of the economy is vital to help the country overcome economic challenges in the face of declining fortunes from the oil industry. Changes in the social and cultural welfare of the country are essential since alleviation of rigid religious policies gives women much-needed freedom they deserve.
Hypothesis
This research has developed the below hypothesis to act as a guide when conducting the research.
Hypothesis: The repression of political opposition by authoritarian Saudi monarchy is not centred on Islamic fundamentalism but the response to radical movements challenging the strength behind the authoritarianism including US imperialism and modernization.
Most of the political opposition parties in Saudi Arabia are concerned about the increased US imperialism and secularization of the society which is against the Islamic fundamentalism which is the source of the countries national pride. The hard stance taken by the monarch against political activities in the country is influenced by the desire to maintain the strengthening forces behind the authoritarian government which are the US imperialism and oil capitalism.
The US and other foreign forces have been a significant role in supporting the Saudi Arabia monarch to crush the slightest political opposition be it peaceful, conservative or radical. In the aftermath of radicalization that led to the infamous 9/11 terrorist attack in America, the Western forces including the US and UK have supported the monarchy in a large to repress any political opposition using any means possible. While the legitimacy of the authoritarian government is supported by the clerics, who have been the force behind the conservative religion that is the central to national unity, increased US imperialism has made the monarch to drift away from the Islamic Sharia laws that are fundamental Islamic religion. The democratic space in the country has been repressed to impede the political opposition a chance to thrive in the country. In the aftermath of the Arab spring, the monarch employed harsh measures intended to crush the slightest form of opposition in the country.
Research Objectives
The primary aim of this research is to explore which factors affect the success of the Saudi Arabia opposition parties in light of authoritarian monarch government that uses all forms of powers to outlaw political opposition in the country. The study will explore how a wide range of factors empower or disempowers the political opposition in the country.
Objectives
To determine how the political opposition thrive in the face of authoritarian government.
To establish western influence in Saudi Arabia affects the success of the opposition political parties.
Determine whether international financial supports the success of political opposition in Saudi Arabia.
To determine how lack of democracy hinders political opposition activities in Saudi Arabia.
Establish how monarch has learned how best to deal with opposition groups since the Arab Spring.
Research Questions
Research questions help in providing the direction that the research will take. This particular research will use the following research questions
To what extent does lack of democracy affect political opposition, Saudi Arabia?
How has the Arab Spring affected success or failure of political opposition in Saudi Arabia?
How have Western countries affected political opposition in Saudi Arabia?
Which is the main factor that affects the success of the Saudi Arabia political opposition?
How is international financial support shaping the future of political opposition in Saudi Arabia?
What are the achievements of political opposition parties in Saudi Arabia?
The following chapter presents the methodology of the main study in order to examine the research questions.
CHAPTER THREE
Methodology
The study employed a qualitative content analysis approach. The study extracted data for specific variables of interest including a year of publication, type of publication and availability of the content. The study selected freely available information on the internet which included publications by major digital newspapers, print, websites and scholarly articles. The study employed a systematic coding approach to code a large volume of text to identify to identify patterns or themes and meanings from the texts. The coding approach was developed based on the conventional qualitative content analysis approach. A systematic generation of theory (The Theory of Saudi Arabia Political Opposition) was used to develop codes directly from the texts.
The code names developed in the study included
Attitude from the West
Democracy
Constitutional monarchy
International financial support
Political openness
Historical hostility among opposition’s groups
Saudi authority suppressing for each group since the Arab Spring
Analysis
While the Saudi Arabia monarchy regime prohibits formation of political opposition outfit in the Kingdom, a number of political parties including The Islamic Umma Party, Movement of Islamic Reform in Arabia, MIRA, Tajdeed Islamic Party (Islamic Renewal party) and Ghanem Almasarir have been formed in protest to a wide range of issues they do not agree with in the monarch. However, the political outfits have experienced a mix of failures and success in the light of the authoritarian government for a wide range of factors.
Suppression by Saudi Authority after the Arab Spring
The Arab Spring played a significant role in influencing regime change in large part of the Arab World including countries such as Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Bahrain.Saudi Arabia remained untouched by the Arab Spring by employing successful counterrevolutionary mechanisms. However, the Arab Spring played a vital role in promoting the formation of political opposition in the Kingdom that had experienced limited political opposition activities for several decades (Mabon 2012). The Umma Islamic Party is one of the parties whose position was predominantly influenced by the Arab Spring in 2011. It is regarded as the first opposition political party in Saudi Arabia since it was the first to defy the order that forbade the existence of political parties in Saudi Arabia. Party came into being after nine Saudi scholars, and political activists came together to fight for political reforms. The party was made public on February 9th, 2011. Unlike other organizations that came before and after it, it had a very organized structure with leaders and a well spelled out (Alsalem 2011) . In light of the Arab Spring that was informed by the need to bring an end to the Authoritarian Regimes in most of the Arab States, The Umma Islamic Party also wanted an end to the authoritarian Saudi monarch regime. The Arab Spring had succeeded in toppling oppressive regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Bahrain and it played a significant role to buttress formation of the first political movement in the Saudi Arabia soil. All the other political movements were operating outside Saudi Arabia including the MovementofIslamicReforminArabia,MIRA and TajdeedIslamicParty (Islamic Renewal party) which are based in U.K.
Since early 2011 the monarch has taken stern action against Islamist and liberal critics without clear reasons behind the arrests and other measures taken by the government. Open criticism of prominent princes or the ruling family as a whole and overt challenges to the Wahhabi interpretation of Islam predominant in the country drew particularly harsh responses (Mabon 2012). The Islamic Umma Party (Hizb al-Umma al-Islami) which formed a political opposition in the state despite being banned by the monarch government experienced the wrath of the government (Bsheer 2018). The Saudi ruling family assumed that the Islamic Umma Party (Hizb al-Umma al-Islami) wanted to topple their regime despite the party having moderate demands. The founding members of the Islamic Umma Party were arrested but later released on the condition that they would refrain from any form of political activities in the future. Any activist or individual who made any form of provocative demands in the aftermath of the 2011 Arab Spring faced heightened state repression liberal activists such as Muhammad al-Qahtani and Abdallah al-Hamid.
Democracy and Constitutional Monarchy
The Saudi monarch government employs authoritarianism which comprises of a ban on political action, frequent resort to police violence, opacity, and disinformation. Use of excessive power to crack down dissidents through waves of arrests and imprisonments has impacted negatively on political opposition in Saudi Arabia (Matthiesen 2012). Additionally, there is the use of specialized Criminal Courts that use the counterterrorism regulations to repress pro-reform activists and peaceful dissidents. A sheer criticism of the regime through media interview or social media warrants arrest and imprisonment. Arbitrary arrest s of political party leaders and activists coupled with systematic violations of due process and fair trial rights have made it hard for the political opposition to thrive in the country (Ménoret 2016). The authorities detain arrested suspects for months, even years, without judicial review or prosecution with the sole intention of crapping down any form of political opposition. The intellectuals behind the formation of the Umma Party were arrested following the formation of the party. Other party leaders including those of the Movement of Islamic Reform in Arabia, MIRA and Tajdeed Islamic Party (Islamic Renewal party) had to operate from U.K in fear of being arrested and lack of democracy in Saudi Arabia. Ghanem Almasarir, one of the major activists and critics of the Saudi Royal family, operates from U.K. for fear of being arrested.
The Western Attitude
The Al Saud have consolidated their grip on power, against popular protest and unrest, with the aid of the U.S. oil company Aramco and of international security cooperation. In the past decades, the Saudi state has benefited from the French, British, and U.S. input in the design of a brutal repression machine. All the opposition parties in Saudi Arabia are against the Western Imperialism adopted by the royal family in governing the country. The increased involvement of the Western Powers such as the U.S.A, U.K., France and Germany in the affairs of Kingdom has led to increased modernization which is interpreted as the secularization of the society and western imperialism by the opposition parties (Madawi 2015). In the aftermath of the terror attack on the American soil in 9/11, the American government supported the Saudi Arabia government in the fight against terrorism with the intention of suppressing any form of radicalization in the country. Consequently, the Suadi Arabia government adopted the 2014 terror laws extended the definition of terrorism to cover the peaceful protest, political speech, and organized action (Rosie 2012). The kingdom now has full power to crush any protest or criticism, no matter how peaceful or constructive it may be. Ultimately, the Saudi Arabia opposition today is organized principally on Islamist foundation which is the sense of national pride (Beranek 2009). However, the support of the western powers Saudi Arabia has been able to crush every form on the opposition in the country making opposition activities hard to thrive.
References
Almezaini, K. S., & Rickli, J. (2016). The small Gulf states: Foreign and security policies before and after the Arab spring Taylor & Francis.
Alsalem, A. (2011). URGENT ALERT: Saudi government crackdown against members of the Islamic Umma party. Retrieved from http://www.ihrc.org.uk/activities/alerts/9590-alert-saudi-government-crackdown-islamic-omma-party
Archambault, L., & Oh-Young, C. (2009). Putting the T in PCK: Exploring the nature of the TPACK framework among K-12 online educators using a web-based survey. Paper presented at the Society for Information Technology & Teacher Education International Conference, 4008-4014.
Barnell, O. (2017). Saudi Arabia – the meteoric rise of Prince Mohammed bin Salman. France 24 Retrieved from http://mdx.summon.serialssolutions.com/2.0.0/link/0/eLvHCXMwpV1NS8NAEB2sXgShFRU_Ybx5ibrJZpNcKlux6EEpbRFvZclu8GA-Wlvw5zsTE0Q9KHgPYdhM3pu8vJkBCPzzS-8bJhhhHTNtYCzxYSJl5JRUwqYxjwirzRfjafj4pB50NGrMhdwa0zzuFiVr6LZlyqr5BeWO8BWhcHhVzT3eI8X_W5ulGh3YIOpOeKdBPAh-AG3NHsMutHa11jWS27emh-vrUMZ_xdKDHiNWZSq3QP2RENuw5ood6E801X2ox3pwp9FDyg3MqVrm-SBIb7nDMsMRy-4O78tnFrMt0iczTsxLbopdOBveTK9vvTaoGSUHK_6mcOXqdfYZVrAHW4Y988Wy7q2z-4BKpcYooZI0cPUSahHFMpNxlsVhQoXTAZz-et_DP1xzBJs-kyGLsdExrC8XK3cCHTrrdx7BqCU
Bsheer, R. (2018). A Counter-Revolutionary State: Popular Movements and the Making of Saudi Arabia. Past and Present, 238(1), 233-277.
Beranek, O. (2009). Divided we survive A landscape of fragmentation in Saudi Arabia. Crown Center for Middle East Studies (Brandeis University), (33).
Burger, T. J., & MacLeod, S. (2004). Gaddafi and the Saudis: The feud lives on (Canadian ed.). Toronto: Time Incorporated. Retrieved from http://mdx.summon.serialssolutions.com/2.0.0/link/0/eLvHCXMwtVxLS8QwEB5cvQiCiopPyEmRUukjfQkeurb1cViFbhdvy9a04GEr6C74851J063Vw-pBCiFJSwIz00nm9QHY1oWhf9MJRWBYonQcwQObC0OUhQiEbZVmnpf4hsskS2f05A5C77HFQGrn_pXxOIesp0LaPzB_sShOYB9FAFsUAmx_JQY3YRSFyZ1EkaLsnjTEG2Aqneo4SuIsQv01ilNNOarUPZUqQxZGfc1O7V7ryxrqNnZDsA4qebjjPeCU5WS13gNajTSRQk3u1lOZju5z5SBsdKXSRrVQWM4X1aeyobvg1S6aM6aLRtkpIZlPxcvz7Kqo9CztwRreLG1SpXE_a85O7nheHfdRe_84IeWxP9yCzQZ_m4U1abdhpah24FyRlSFZGRKS1WS9lH0iKpNEZQ-DXThL4uH1rd5sMMYfi6Ilk6p4nb-P0VwP0H63uL0HGxMqN6hmsixR7APzzJwCzKXpU7Eu93J8fI-w3wJ7kufGAbBlyx4u_-QI1lueHcPq7G1enEBvKj4-AaAjCYQ
Chen, L. W., Chen, T. L., & Liu, H. (2010). Perception of young adults on online games: Implications for higher education. Turkish Online Journal of Educational Technology, 9(3), 76-84.
Creswell, J. W., & Creswell, J. D. (2018). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed method approaches (International student; 5th ed.). Los Angeles: SAGE. Retrieved from http://mdx.summon.serialssolutions.com/2.0.0/link/0/eLvHCXMwY2AwNtIz0EUrE5KALfHklDQLwzRjw0RTQ_NkIyPzZGDnIzEx2TwlBXz1YVCIaViEmZ-jeQATQwTqSIZebkoFdGsV-pmCmAPVlqbAPGxep2igBrv1OjkHGCTGafnJpcXMwN6ZOeiiAwuzSNA2L1NQjW0GbHJDT3-C84FVDdBSpKrGTZCBBbT9QIiBKTVPmEESsntWAZoDixU0oMdEa4ow8MMWzSmkgFdhiDJIurmGOHvoAk2Mh47KxEOcaSTGwJsIWsqeVwLe8pYiwaCQbGaYZpqclGKYmJxkYpoICiLDlDQjo2Rj8J0MyZIMQpgGSWETlGbgAtbvFpARAxkG1jRgik6VBfsMAC43cho
DeYoung, K. (2018, Mar 22,). Saudi prince denies Kushner is ‘in his pocket.’ The Washington Post Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/saudi-prince-denies-kushner-is-in-his-pocket/2018/03/22/701a9c9e-2e22-11e8-8688-e053ba58f1e4_story.html?noredirect=on&utm_term=.92f443989b11
Fotopoulos, T. (2011). The pseudo-revolution in Libya and the degenerate “Left.” International Journal of INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACY, 7(1)
Ignatius, D. (2018, March 1). Are Saudi Arabia’s reforms for real? A recent visit says yes. The Washington Post Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/global-opinions/are-saudi-arabias-reforms-for-real-a-recent-visit-says-yes/2018/03/01/a11a4ca8-1d9d-11e8-9de1-147dd2df3829_story.html?noredirect=on&utm_term=.98d96ec38f59
Jenkins, J. (2017). The gulf and the Muslim Brotherhood Islamism is central to understanding the 2017 GCC diplomatic crisis. Foreign Policy Trends, 33(2)
Justice, P. (2008). Arbitrary detention and unfair trials in the deficient criminal justice system of Saudi Arabia. Human Rights Watch, 20(3)
Kostiner, J. (1996). State, Islam, and opposition in Saudi Arabia: The post-desert storm phase. Terrorism and Political Violence, 8(2), 75-89. doi:10.1080/09546559608427347
Kubersky, R. (2018). Reforms in Saudi Arabia: Real progress or cause of future instability? Retrieved from http://www.sirjournal.org/blogs/2018/2/26/reforms-in-saudi-arabia-real-progress-or-cause-of-future-instability
Mabon, S. (2018). It’s a family affair: Religion, geopolitics and the rise of Mohammed bin Salman. Insight Turkey, 20(2), 51-66. doi:10.25253/99.2018202.04
Mabon, S. (2012). Kingdom in Crisis? The Arab Spring and Instability in Saudi Arabia. Contemporary Security Policy, 33(3), 530-553.
Madawi, A. (2015). Muted Modernists: The Struggle over Divine Politics in Saudi Arabia (London: Hurst Publishing), pp. 33–34
Matthiesen, T. (2015). The domestic sources of Saudi foreign policy: Islamists and the state in the wake of the Arab uprisings. Washington: Brookings Institution, 1-12.
Matthiesen, T. (2012). A” Saudi Spring?”: The Shi’a Protest Movement in the Eastern Province 2011–2012. The Middle East Journal, 66(4), 628-659.
Ménoret, P. (2016). Repression and Protest in Saudi Arabia. Middle East Brief n, 101.
Meijer, R., Aarts, P., Wagemakers, J., & Kanie, M. (2012). Saudi Arabia between conservatism, accommodation, and reform. Clingendael: Netherlands Institute of International Relations.
Qatarileaks. (2017, August 09,). Doha buys al-faqih, al-dokki to attack Saudi Arabia, UAE. Retrieved from https://qatarileaks.com/en/leak/doha-buys-al-faqih-al-dokki-to-attack-saudi-arabia-uae.
Rosie, B. (2012). “Dissent and Its Discontents: Protesting the Saudi State,” in Bassam Haddad, Rosie Bsheer, and Ziad Abu-Rish, The Dawn of the Arab Uprisings: End of an Old Order? London: Pluto Press, pp. 248–259.
Ryan, R. (2005). Saudi Arabia and post 9/11 Islamism opposition. DePaul University:
Salameh, M. G. (2016, July 13,). Saudi Arabia’s vision 2030: A reality or mirage. USAEE Working Paper Retrieved from https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2808611##
Schweizer, K., Steinwascher, M., Moosbrugger, H., & Reiss, S. (2011). The structure of research methodology competency in higher education and the role of teaching teams and course temporal distance. Learning and Instruction, 21(1), 68-76. doi: 10.1016/j.learninstruc.2009.11.002
Stancati, M. (2018, January 10,). Mohammed bin Salman’s next Saudi challenge: Curtailing ultraconservative Islam. The Wall Street Journal Retrieved from https://www.wsj.com/articles/mohammed-bin-salmans-next-saudi-challenge-curtailing-ultraconservative-islam-1515525944
Teitelbaum, J., & Pipes, D. (2001, Holier than thou: Saudi Arabia’s Islamic opposition. Middle East Quarterly, VIII, 75. Retrieved from http://mdx.summon.serialssolutions.com/2.0.0/link/0/eLvHCXMwtV1LS8NAEB4sXhQPtdZXFRYPeiiRJJs0qeChSqUtKIXW4q1ski0G-sK0YP-9M9k8WoWiBy9LMoFN4Bu-nZ18swPAzVtd-8YJHnfqnm5L0_YE-pAua74bGH4g6xgxcKlElvbgrfbScLp534vc9q_Aow2hp0LaP4CfTYoGvEYXwBGdAMdfuUFrNqZ6EkqQkxhoSRmAnlgGYbXxITxSylK-nvwi9KuzearhWo9Zn-McRrUporgGc1MD2pcYs449odold2bR-zIj-m44VySk6tg3EgxGJlVLORFZQKtbqmtGSpqDdru95h7WGgeqTijJaoo3dIb5JAj9xb2caq-9AhS4Q70m3IdOtmY6tq1KIZJX_VgZ4-W-X4R9KgFh6r_JIezIaQnK6kCVFbtmdFqviDsir0pwspFTZZm4sATFRFuI1oRBj4ArPBjhwQiPOxajwRQaNxFLsGA5FmW4emr2H1ta-q1D4VGCyl9EQ9z5Y7RlmOYxHAgqVpgu4qLG4BQYxrVSd6WQ3BhZPpe4y7E81-COJWlL7p5BZcuM51ufVmAvB_ECdkfoyPISCpPg8wvYVCOc
Thompson, M. C. (2017). Saudi vision 2030: A viable response to youth aspirations and concerns? Asian Affairs, 48(2), 205-221.
THE NATURE OF THE CONFLICT BETWEEN SAUDI ARABIA GOVERNMENT AND THE OPPOSITION UNDER INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL SUPPORTERS
CHAPTER ONE
Introduction
Saudi Arabia is one of the most religious states in the world which has successfully combined the state (dawla), religion (din), and princes (umara) (Teitelbaum & Pipes 2001). The country has thrived on the arrangement between the royals and the religious clerics. The Al-Saud royal family provides funding and a stable structure of government which allowed the growth of a conservative religion throughout the nation, while the clerics provided the government with the religious legitimacy to rule (Teitelbaum & Pipes 2001) . The arrangement made it possible to have an authoritarian regime that uses the nation’s wealth to the favour of only the royal family. Clerics legalize all action made by the authoritarian regime even though unjustified. Arbitrary detentions and enforced disappearance were legalized by clerics as the Royals’ right to protect citizens which completely contradict with Islamic teaching. Detaining thousands of people for more than six months, in some cases for over a decade, without referring them to courts for criminal proceedings (Justice 2008) . Arbitrary detainees held for very long periods has obviously increased dramatically in recent years. Cleric Salman AlOudah has been detained since 1st September 2017 without a legal charge or indictment and was not brought to the court. It was not only the Islamists who were exposed to such violations but the intellectuals and human rights activists. The clerics were free to enforce Sharia in the country, and the Royals were free to run the wealth and affairs of the country. However, as the Saudi state grew and started embracing modernism, some changes were made, and this revealed subordination of clergy to the Royals at the expense of religion. The Royals welcomed some western ways, and this foreign influence should be rejected by the clerics (Kostiner 1996) . The royal family now is fully controlling the clerics. Conflicts arose as a result of this modernization of the country in that; the clerics support the reforms implemented by the state. Accordingly, official religious establishment became part of the government and worked in line with. The royal family wanted a more centralized system of government while citizens keen to huge reform away from the authoritarian regime.
Security grip is a royal way to keep interests and stay in power. It is impossible to talk about pluralism nor political participation as that can be conceded as disobedience of the royals and Islam teaching. In the meantime, all opposition forces are calling for democracy, pluralism and political participation. Citizens are also seeking change not calling for dropping the royals but by calling for constitutional monarchy. Citizens and opposition forces believe in the political reform which obviously unacceptable to the Royals. Therefore, citizens’ perceptions are important for more understanding the needed reform.
Saudi Arabia government approved a huge shift when prince Mohammed Bin Salman appointed as crown prince on June 21, 2017 (Barnell 2017). The new crown prince has made a number of exciting reforms, such allowing women to drive, opening cinema halls and performing concerts. Unfortunately, political reforms were not part of the crown prince’s plan. Furthermore, the crown prince has embarrassed the Wahhabi religious establishment as all his reforms contradict their approach.
Crown prince Mohammed Bin Salman stated that Saudi authority adopted Wahhabism as requested by western states to stop the Communist expansion in the late 1970s (DeYoung 2018). The statement can be considered as a coup against the religious establishment which has been silent. Opposition forces welcomed the statement as it removes the authority religious legitimacy that violates rights and confiscates freedoms.
CHAPTER TWO
Literature
The opposition in Saudi Arabia can be traced back to the early 1930s. Prior to this period, the Islamic rules were practised in accordance with the Wahhabi creed. These principles laid the basis of the Saudi expansion as an enforcer of the sharia law. The laws were used as a moral compass to guide the actions of the citizens. After the establishment of a state that was more centralized than decentralized, individuals and groups resisted the control from the state. A dispute later arose between Abd al- ‘Aziz Ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman (Ibn Sa’ud), the Saudi leader at that time, and a number of tribal groups, the Ikhwan, who were loyal to the religion and resisted being under the control of the government. Fierce disagreements arose between the leading clerics and the royals. In the 1930s, the king, Ibn Sa’ud made the Wahhabi Islam the official state religion. Only the senior clerics had supreme religious authority. This meant that all the other clerics could only conduct their affairs within the religious framework put in place by the king. He also made state interest superior to the religious interests (Matthiesen 2015) .
The Wahhabi Islam became the only moral guide in the state. However, they were only allowed to operate in accordance with the interests of the state. The clerics were limited to guiding the behaviour of the public, educating individuals, and preaching. They could not take part in governing the state. The state was run by the royals and the elite clerics. The Ikhwan tribal groups which opposed the king’s control over the people lost the battle in between 1929 and 1930 after a military help from Great Britain to King Abdulaziz. They were not able to spread their ideologies. They remained underground, and their ideas were adopted by various other opposition movements over time. The opposition in Saudi Arabia came to be as a result of people resisting change and state control (Meijer, Aarts, Wagemakers, & Kanie 2012) .
After the Second Gulf War, the opposition continued to grow. The opposition groups and individuals in this era had slightly different grievances. When the Saudi military was unable to defend the country, and the U.S military troops were called in to help, most of the people criticized the state. The royal family was seen as weak and incompetent leaders. The opposition groups that developed in this period were determined to end the reign of the royal family. There was a public outcry when the non-Muslim troops came into the country. The presence of the foreign troops in the state led to the opinion that the royal family held foreign interests in high esteem. The opposition criticized the royals as being keener on protecting the interests of outsiders (Teitelbaum & Pipes 2001) .
In the years 1991-2001, the activities of the opposition were restricted by the state. Outspoken individuals who challenged the royals were imprisoned or detained without a trial (Teitelbaum & Pipes 2001). The opposition groups such as the Movement for Islamic Reform in Arabia started operating outside Saudi Arabia to avoid being persecuted. Most of the opposition leaders used London as a base of operations. They were able to reach their supporters through the internet and the media without facing any repression from the royal family. The grievances and issues addressed were the same throughout the 1990s. Both the radicals and the liberals agreed on the issue of foreign interference (Jenkinsc 2017) .
Their oppositions have grown ever since despite the constant repression from the Saudi government. The opposition in Saudi Arabia is similar to other movements in the Middle East except for the fact that the Saudi opposition derives from the Wahhabi school of thought in that, they have their interpretation of the Sharia that they use to challenge state control as being unlawful. Some of the religious ideologies of the modern opposition and activism correspond with some of the ideas from the West, and as a result, they can influence the modern middle-class individuals (Matthiesen 2015) explain the assertion – democracy- pluralism- human rights principles. The Saudi oppositions accept and call for democracy, political participation, and pluralism that denied by Wahhabism. It is easier for them to influence the educated people since they purport to seek to address a modern issue such as corruption, human rights violations, among other things. Even though some of the oppositions have clear objective sand structures, they are at risk or becoming ineffective due to the measures were taken by the Saudi government and other interested parties in repressing opposition. This means that even though most of these oppositions exist and have a lot of influence, their activities are quashed even before they become established.
The Theory of Saudi Arabia Political Opposition
All political oppositions fighting the authoritarian regime and call for democracy but under Islamic rules (sharia law). It is common for the opposition parties in Saudi Arabia to uses the language of Islamic laws, to accuse the government of breaching the holy law by neglecting Islamic goals and deviating from Islamic practices in the administrative, economic and political affairs. The opposition party also suggests alternatives to the existing government based on the Islamic Sharia laws. The radical Islamic opposition movement such as the Tajdeed Islamic Party (Islamic Renewal party) questions theexisting state order by giving its own interpretation of Wahhabi Islam.
Liberalism enjoys a global victory in some sense, and it is perceived to perpetuate the ideals of political liberties or free trade to maximize individual freedom best. However, the opposition in Saudi Arabia believes in liberalism but under Islamic rules (not pure liberalism). The opposition in the country does not advocate a strictly secular state. The opposition is against a West’s spiritually vacant secular culture but instead want a liberal democracy’s based on divine authority. While the opposition supports most of the liberal democracies including popular elections and economic modernization, God’s sovereignty is central to the opposition politicians. The political opposition tends to align their politics with a righteous society with the precepts of shari’a; spiritualism rationalized in the technocratic ways they use to rise against the government and its absolute authority. While the Political oppositions call for Pluralism as they believe in the need for political parties and institutions of civil society, but they support the activities of the groups should be based on their interpretation of the Islamic law. Interpretation of the Islamic law differs from one group to another, but that does not change the nature of the liberalism they want to see in the country.
TheIslamicUmmaParty.
The Islamic Umma Party is regarded as the first opposition political party in Saudi Arabia. It had defied the order that forbade the existence of political parties in Saudi Arabia. The party came into being after nine Saudi scholars, and political activists came together to fight for political reforms. The party was made public on February 9th, 2011. Unlike other organizations that came before and after it, it had a very organized structure with leaders and a well spelled out (Alsalem 2011) .
After the party was formed, the officials of the party made invitations to activists who shared the same opinions to join them. As a result of this announcement, the founding members of the party were arrested and detained on 16th February that same year. The detainees included; Dr Ahmed bin Sa’ad bin Gharm al-Ghamidi who was a professor at Umm al-Qura University, Mr Sa’ud bin Ahmed al-Dughaithir a political activist, Shaykh Abdul Aziz bin Muhammad al-Wuhaybi; a lawyer and political activist; Dr Abdul Kareem bin Yusuf al-Khidhr who was a university professor, Shaykh Muhammad bin Hussein bin Ghaanim al-Qahtani, a businessman; Mr Muhammad bin Naser al-Ghamidi, a political activist, and Dr. Waleed bin Muhammad Abdullah al-Majid, a lawyer. The detention of these individuals was fueled by the fact that the party had amassed a big following using the media. Its growing influenced threatened the government which is keen on restricting opposition. The actions of the state succeeded in disabling the activities of the party for a while. However, by this time, the Islamic Umma Party had managed to capture the attention of a lot of the people in Saudi Arabia and outside the country. The party’s influence of the people made it a strong opposition organization in the country (Alsalem 2011). It was not just merely existing but also making a difference in terms of political opinions.
MovementofIslamicReforminArabia,MIRA
Robert Ryan writes an account of the MIRA opposition from its inception to the year 2005. This opposition movement was started in the early 1990s by Sa‘ad al-Faqih. Faqih was one of the founding members of another radical group, the Committee for the Defense of Legitimate Rights (CDLR). When CDLR relocated to London in 1993, he formed MIRA as an opposition movement against the regime in Saudi Arabia. The opposition movement claimed to be running in accordance with the sharia laws. After September 11, 2001, Faqih attracted the attention of the media and publicly condemned the Al-Saud family for various reasons including their exercise of power in Saudi Arabia. He claimed only to support peaceful means of resolving conflict (Ryan 2005).
The movement has a strong horizontal but weak vertical structure. It is a single person organization since it was formed by Faqih alone. This makes it very weak and is bound to disappear once its leader is disappeared — the movement aimed at removing the Al-Saud family from power using peaceful means. Faqih was an expatriate and this limited the ways through which the Saudi government would capture and imprison him. The movement was also based in London and utilized technology to reach its supporters. Ryan argues that Faqih and the movement were not as effective as they were unable to inspire any kind of reform. In 2004, Faqih called for demonstrations, but the turnout was low since public protesting is outlawed in Saudi Arabia. On the day of the protests, the government increased security troops on the streets to prevent the assembly of people and direct traffic. The other reason why there were very few people willing to take part in the demonstrations was that they did not know what they were protesting against. When Faqih called for the protests, he only told his followers to demand reforms. The movement was linked to terrorist groups. In 2004, Faqih was put on the list of al-Qaeda operatives by the United Nations Security Council (Ryan 2005) .
TajdeedIslamicParty (Islamic Renewal party).
The Tajdeed Islamic Party was formed in London. Its focus is on the jurisprudence issues that affect Muslim. It supports the “freedom of thought and believes in dialogue based on argument and evidence” (About the Ideology of Party of Islamic Renewal). This is a radical Islamist group that believes in fulfilling their duties at any cost. The growth of the influence of the group is curtailed by both the Saudi government and the Western world.
GhanemAlmasarir
Ghanem Almasarir is a Saudi human rights activist and a well-liked political comedian who is based in London. He is a known political satirist popular for hosting the Ghanem Show that features many popular sections such as “Fadfada.” The show involves criticism of the royal family using black comedy. As an individual opposition, he is very effective in reaching the people. He has a very good media presence and has over half a million followers on tweeter and more on the other social media platforms. The work he does not only sensitizes the world on what is happening in Saudi Arabia but also provides an alternative to the use of violence and threats in the fight against an oppressive regime. The show and the other video clips he publishes on websites and on YouTube reaches thousands of people. His YouTube channel and tweets are readily available to the public. The fact that he can reach a lot of people makes Ghanem one of the most effective opposition. The use of social media improves his chances of reaching the young generation.
Almasarir had been in self-imposed exile since 2003 in London, where he controlled his YouTube-based show from 2015. In his show, he condemns the Saudi royal family, whom he tags as “Salmanco” (relating to the techniques used by the King in controlling the nation in a fashion comparable to a business or as private possession) and “al-Dub al-Dasher” (means fat stray bear) correspondingly in a funny way. Almasarir accused Saud al-Qahtani, an advisor to the Saudi royal court, of being involved in crimes linked to “visa fraud” in Saudi Arabia.
Oppositions Financial Support
The Royals have not lacked the oppositions, although for a long time the Royals have been capable of containing or coopting them. After the second Gulf War, nevertheless, the socio-religious troubles that have overwhelmed the country have resulted in the development of a small opposition society that has disputed royals’ public image. The oppositions were funded later on by international countries such as Libya, Qatar, and Iran.
It has been recognized and noted that Saudi oppositions receive some financial support from states such as the former Libyan regime, Qatar, and Iran. The late Gaddafi’s regime in Libya offered financial aid to Mohammed Almassari, Saudi’s opposition leader, to assassinate former king Abdullah (Burger & Macleod 2004). Qaddafi termed the Saudis that they can even ally with the devil to save themselves. King Abdullah referred to Gaddafi as a liar and states that his grave awaits him. That was in 2003. In 2009, the two leaders insulted each other again in an Arab League summit. Gaddafi had confirmed supporting the assassination attacks on the Saudi King Abdullah. This was to happen in either of the following ways: a personal attack, or by oppositions that would overcome the Royals. Gaddafi planned to interfere and harm the royals and was looking for an opposition who were eager to get involved (Fotopoulos 2011). Al-Massari was the primary suspect of the plan who was charged for the proceedings on colluding for the murder of the late King Abdullah.
Qatar has supported the Saudi Saad Al-Faqih and others to utilize them as instruments to strike the royals. Qatar’s want to respond to the Saudi royals whom supported and planned the 1996 coup against Qatar regime. Qatar preferred to attain that objective by destabilizing UAE, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia, by supporting their arch-rival, Iran that is also planning on disrupting order in the Middle East (Almezaini & Rickli 2016).
Al-Faqih and others were paid millions of Qatari Riyals to create and spread falsehoods concerning Saudi royals. Al-Faqih, currently living in London received 395 million Qatari riyals to use in the plan, in any manner, on weaving fictions on Saudi royals (Qatarileaks 2017) . Qatar has established then use Aljazeera channel to sponsor socio-political reforms in the region. Aljazeera channel helped Saudi oppositions to spread their ideas and political projects to stepdown the Saudi royals for a limited period of time.
Iran had funded Al-Dosari since 2015 when he started his Ghanem show with Iran offering Almasarir free TV studio recording. Ghanem show could freely use the Iran network as a Saudi human rights campaigner and a well-liked political comedian to criticize the Saudi government. This provided a great chance for the Protestants in Saudi to demonstrate and disrupt the government. Ghanem show and the black comedy also gives the opposition a chance to disclose mysteries linked to the royal family and incited demonstrations against the Saudi rule.
Through external funding from Iran and its London organizations arm, Almasarir had led an opposition group referred to as “September 15 Movement.” The protest occurred all over Saudi Arabia in 2017 that has been depicted as convincing a large group of citizens. The protests supported by Almasarir led to a point where the existing crisis with Qatar had authorized gathering so many people protesters like never before that might be the reason for the anxiety of the system towards the demonstrations. London has functioned as an Arab media house. Running away from the bans at home, media personalities find liberty in exile. United Kingdome provided the safest place for Saudi Arabian oppositions.
Famous clergymen like Salman al-Ouda and Awadh al-Qarni were captured because of being detected as “pro-Doha” and a big following in social media networks that the Saudi regime dreaded would be used to aid protests mandated by Almasarir (Mabon 2018). Frequent leading priests associated with the Saudi like Grand Mufti and Saleh Al Maghamsi have pointed out flaws in Almasarir’s campaign and demanded Saudi people to oppose it.
Al-Sheikh was hosted in MBC show and assured that the advocators for protests for the 15th September campaign were supporters of fraud and sedition “fitna.” He confirmed that they do not have a good intention and that they want to disrupt the government and cause unnecessary civil war, which is promulgated by the rivals of Saudi Arabia. He has accused Almasarir of working with Iran to incite and sponsor the “September 15 Movement”. He also termed demonstrators as the advocates of ignorance “Jahiliyyah” and perverseness. Since late 2017, it was recorded that Almasarir already had about 553,000 followers on Twitter and million viewers on his YouTube-based channel.
Iran is funding and politicizing the Shia distinctiveness that is intended only to enhance tensions in Saudi Arabia and might even undermine other parts of the Middle East. Iran has long attempted to institute itself as a main, political, economic and cultural competitor in the Middle East by tactically funding the minority Shia in the area. As the leading Shia majority nation in the area, Iran has an interest in offsetting Saudi power through the area and conquering a place as a local power with worldwide accomplishment. As the Sunnis are ruled by functional governments, Iran fights to gain more influence in Iraq than all other interested parties do. Tehran would want to keep Iraq stable but would have to mediate between Shia and Sunni conflict, helping Shia regain its influence in the region but keeping them from being too powerful.
Massive Reforms in Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia is known for the history of maintaining the legacy of Islamic conservatism to shape the country’s education and economy. However, with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman ascend to power social liberalization has become central to the economic modernization, Islamic tolerance and moderation. For several years, Saudi Arabia has been an oil-dependent economy, and economic liberalization would have a significant economic impact in the country’s future.
According to Stancati (2018) , Saudi Arabia was the only country in the world that had banned women from driving, and it was considered a taboo for women to drive. Music and entertainment were also considered taboo in the country while women were also prohibited from watching soccer or getting involved in sports. However, Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s “Vision 2030” program is intended to transform the country economically, socially and culturally by lifting most of the practices that hold the country back. According to Kubersky (2018) , Saudi Arabia has pledged to use billions of dollars to modernize and overhaul the country’s entertainment sector in a bid to achieve the economic value of the sector. During an ultra-conservative past, the participation of women in public entertainment was unheard, and it was a taboo for women to enter entertainment venues. However, with reforms women are free to participate in all entertainment activities.
Most of the new reforms are intended to make the Kingdom more progressive in line with moral standards of the West. According to Thompson (2017) , Saudi Arabia under Prince Mohammed bin Salman has entered an unprecedented phase in its history with much of Kingdom’s tight religious policies being eased to alleviate the oppression many Saudis have experienced in the history of the country. Much of the religious policies have been oppressive especially on the part of women since they could not drive or participate in sports or even any kind of entertainments, but with the new reforms, women can enjoy a normal life like other women elsewhere in the world.
Saudi Arabia’s oil industry has been central to most of the benefits that are enjoyed by its citizens including free health care and subsidized housing. However, with the declining global oil prices, Mohammed bin Salman perceives that privatizing certain sectors such as the national oil industry would help diversify the economy an end the Kingdom’s overreliance on oil-economy. According to Ignatius (2018), the new reform plan is intended to make Saudi Arabia into a more entrepreneurial, more modern, less-hidebound and more youth- oriented society. Majority of the country’s population is made up of youth, and more than 12% of the labour force is unemployed. Salameh (2016) contends that the new changes will help the country become more attractive to foreign investors and empower the country’s own youth in the facing of growing underground extremist groups and limited opportunities for the youth. The revenue from oil has been declining since the prices of the product plummeted in 2014. A drive to economic diversification will help the country overcome vulnerability that arises from the reliance on oil alone.
Reforms imposed by Prince Mohammed bin Salman prove essential to Saudi Arabia’s alignment with the global social and economic changes. Diversification of the economy is vital to help the country overcome economic challenges in the face of declining fortunes from the oil industry. Changes in the social and cultural welfare of the country are essential since alleviation of rigid religious policies gives women much-needed freedom they deserve.
Hypothesis
This research has developed the below hypothesis to act as a guide when conducting the research.
Hypothesis: The repression of political opposition by authoritarian Saudi monarchy is not centred on Islamic fundamentalism but the response to radical movements challenging the strength behind the authoritarianism including US imperialism and modernization.
Most of the political opposition parties in Saudi Arabia are concerned about the increased US imperialism and secularization of the society which is against the Islamic fundamentalism which is the source of the countries national pride. The hard stance taken by the monarch against political activities in the country is influenced by the desire to maintain the strengthening forces behind the authoritarian government which are the US imperialism and oil capitalism.
The US and other foreign forces have been a significant role in supporting the Saudi Arabia monarch to crush the slightest political opposition be it peaceful, conservative or radical. In the aftermath of radicalization that led to the infamous 9/11 terrorist attack in America, the Western forces including the US and UK have supported the monarchy in a large to repress any political opposition using any means possible. While the legitimacy of the authoritarian government is supported by the clerics, who have been the force behind the conservative religion that is the central to national unity, increased US imperialism has made the monarch to drift away from the Islamic Sharia laws that are fundamental Islamic religion. The democratic space in the country has been repressed to impede the political opposition a chance to thrive in the country. In the aftermath of the Arab spring, the monarch employed harsh measures intended to crush the slightest form of opposition in the country.
Research Objectives
The primary aim of this research is to explore which factors affect the success of the Saudi Arabia opposition parties in light of authoritarian monarch government that uses all forms of powers to outlaw political opposition in the country. The study will explore how a wide range of factors empower or disempowers the political opposition in the country.
Objectives
To determine how the political opposition thrive in the face of authoritarian government.
To establish western influence in Saudi Arabia affects the success of the opposition political parties.
Determine whether international financial supports the success of political opposition in Saudi Arabia.
To determine how lack of democracy hinders political opposition activities in Saudi Arabia.
Establish how monarch has learned how best to deal with opposition groups since the Arab Spring.
Research Questions
Research questions help in providing the direction that the research will take. This particular research will use the following research questions
To what extent does lack of democracy affect political opposition, Saudi Arabia?
How has the Arab Spring affected success or failure of political opposition in Saudi Arabia?
How have Western countries affected political opposition in Saudi Arabia?
Which is the main factor that affects the success of the Saudi Arabia political opposition?
How is international financial support shaping the future of political opposition in Saudi Arabia?
What are the achievements of political opposition parties in Saudi Arabia?
The following chapter presents the methodology of the main study in order to examine the research questions.
CHAPTER THREE
Methodology
The study employed a qualitative content analysis approach. The study extracted data for specific variables of interest including a year of publication, type of publication and availability of the content. The study selected freely available information on the internet which included publications by major digital newspapers, print, websites and scholarly articles. The study employed a systematic coding approach to code a large volume of text to identify to identify patterns or themes and meanings from the texts. The coding approach was developed based on the conventional qualitative content analysis approach. A systematic generation of theory (The Theory of Saudi Arabia Political Opposition) was used to develop codes directly from the texts.
The code names developed in the study included
Attitude from the West
Democracy
Constitutional monarchy
International financial support
Political openness
Historical hostility among opposition’s groups
Saudi authority suppressing for each group since the Arab Spring
Analysis
While the Saudi Arabia monarchy regime prohibits formation of political opposition outfit in the Kingdom, a number of political parties including The Islamic Umma Party, Movement of Islamic Reform in Arabia, MIRA, Tajdeed Islamic Party (Islamic Renewal party) and Ghanem Almasarir have been formed in protest to a wide range of issues they do not agree with in the monarch. However, the political outfits have experienced a mix of failures and success in the light of the authoritarian government for a wide range of factors.
Suppression by Saudi Authority after the Arab Spring
The Arab Spring played a significant role in influencing regime change in large part of the Arab World including countries such as Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Bahrain.Saudi Arabia remained untouched by the Arab Spring by employing successful counterrevolutionary mechanisms. However, the Arab Spring played a vital role in promoting the formation of political opposition in the Kingdom that had experienced limited political opposition activities for several decades (Mabon 2012). The Umma Islamic Party is one of the parties whose position was predominantly influenced by the Arab Spring in 2011. It is regarded as the first opposition political party in Saudi Arabia since it was the first to defy the order that forbade the existence of political parties in Saudi Arabia. Party came into being after nine Saudi scholars, and political activists came together to fight for political reforms. The party was made public on February 9th, 2011. Unlike other organizations that came before and after it, it had a very organized structure with leaders and a well spelled out (Alsalem 2011) . In light of the Arab Spring that was informed by the need to bring an end to the Authoritarian Regimes in most of the Arab States, The Umma Islamic Party also wanted an end to the authoritarian Saudi monarch regime. The Arab Spring had succeeded in toppling oppressive regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Bahrain and it played a significant role to buttress formation of the first political movement in the Saudi Arabia soil. All the other political movements were operating outside Saudi Arabia including the MovementofIslamicReforminArabia,MIRA and TajdeedIslamicParty (Islamic Renewal party) which are based in U.K.
Since early 2011 the monarch has taken stern action against Islamist and liberal critics without clear reasons behind the arrests and other measures taken by the government. Open criticism of prominent princes or the ruling family as a whole and overt challenges to the Wahhabi interpretation of Islam predominant in the country drew particularly harsh responses (Mabon 2012). The Islamic Umma Party (Hizb al-Umma al-Islami) which formed a political opposition in the state despite being banned by the monarch government experienced the wrath of the government (Bsheer 2018). The Saudi ruling family assumed that the Islamic Umma Party (Hizb al-Umma al-Islami) wanted to topple their regime despite the party having moderate demands. The founding members of the Islamic Umma Party were arrested but later released on the condition that they would refrain from any form of political activities in the future. Any activist or individual who made any form of provocative demands in the aftermath of the 2011 Arab Spring faced heightened state repression liberal activists such as Muhammad al-Qahtani and Abdallah al-Hamid.
Democracy and Constitutional Monarchy
The Saudi monarch government employs authoritarianism which comprises of a ban on political action, frequent resort to police violence, opacity, and disinformation. Use of excessive power to crack down dissidents through waves of arrests and imprisonments has impacted negatively on political opposition in Saudi Arabia (Matthiesen 2012). Additionally, there is the use of specialized Criminal Courts that use the counterterrorism regulations to repress pro-reform activists and peaceful dissidents. A sheer criticism of the regime through media interview or social media warrants arrest and imprisonment. Arbitrary arrest s of political party leaders and activists coupled with systematic violations of due process and fair trial rights have made it hard for the political opposition to thrive in the country (Ménoret 2016). The authorities detain arrested suspects for months, even years, without judicial review or prosecution with the sole intention of crapping down any form of political opposition. The intellectuals behind the formation of the Umma Party were arrested following the formation of the party. Other party leaders including those of the Movement of Islamic Reform in Arabia, MIRA and Tajdeed Islamic Party (Islamic Renewal party) had to operate from U.K in fear of being arrested and lack of democracy in Saudi Arabia. Ghanem Almasarir, one of the major activists and critics of the Saudi Royal family, operates from U.K. for fear of being arrested.
The Western Attitude
The Al Saud have consolidated their grip on power, against popular protest and unrest, with the aid of the U.S. oil company Aramco and of international security cooperation. In the past decades, the Saudi state has benefited from the French, British, and U.S. input in the design of a brutal repression machine. All the opposition parties in Saudi Arabia are against the Western Imperialism adopted by the royal family in governing the country. The increased involvement of the Western Powers such as the U.S.A, U.K., France and Germany in the affairs of Kingdom has led to increased modernization which is interpreted as the secularization of the society and western imperialism by the opposition parties (Madawi 2015). In the aftermath of the terror attack on the American soil in 9/11, the American government supported the Saudi Arabia government in the fight against terrorism with the intention of suppressing any form of radicalization in the country. Consequently, the Suadi Arabia government adopted the 2014 terror laws extended the definition of terrorism to cover the peaceful protest, political speech, and organized action (Rosie 2012). The kingdom now has full power to crush any protest or criticism, no matter how peaceful or constructive it may be. Ultimately, the Saudi Arabia opposition today is organized principally on Islamist foundation which is the sense of national pride (Beranek 2009). However, the support of the western powers Saudi Arabia has been able to crush every form on the opposition in the country making opposition activities hard to thrive.
References
Almezaini, K. S., & Rickli, J. (2016). The small Gulf states: Foreign and security policies before and after the Arab spring Taylor & Francis.
Alsalem, A. (2011). URGENT ALERT: Saudi government crackdown against members of the Islamic Umma party. Retrieved from http://www.ihrc.org.uk/activities/alerts/9590-alert-saudi-government-crackdown-islamic-omma-party
Archambault, L., & Oh-Young, C. (2009). Putting the T in PCK: Exploring the nature of the TPACK framework among K-12 online educators using a web-based survey. Paper presented at the Society for Information Technology & Teacher Education International Conference, 4008-4014.
Barnell, O. (2017). Saudi Arabia – the meteoric rise of Prince Mohammed bin Salman. France 24 Retrieved from http://mdx.summon.serialssolutions.com/2.0.0/link/0/eLvHCXMwpV1NS8NAEB2sXgShFRU_Ybx5ibrJZpNcKlux6EEpbRFvZclu8GA-Wlvw5zsTE0Q9KHgPYdhM3pu8vJkBCPzzS-8bJhhhHTNtYCzxYSJl5JRUwqYxjwirzRfjafj4pB50NGrMhdwa0zzuFiVr6LZlyqr5BeWO8BWhcHhVzT3eI8X_W5ulGh3YIOpOeKdBPAh-AG3NHsMutHa11jWS27emh-vrUMZ_xdKDHiNWZSq3QP2RENuw5ood6E801X2ox3pwp9FDyg3MqVrm-SBIb7nDMsMRy-4O78tnFrMt0iczTsxLbopdOBveTK9vvTaoGSUHK_6mcOXqdfYZVrAHW4Y988Wy7q2z-4BKpcYooZI0cPUSahHFMpNxlsVhQoXTAZz-et_DP1xzBJs-kyGLsdExrC8XK3cCHTrrdx7BqCU
Bsheer, R. (2018). A Counter-Revolutionary State: Popular Movements and the Making of Saudi Arabia. Past and Present, 238(1), 233-277.
Beranek, O. (2009). Divided we survive A landscape of fragmentation in Saudi Arabia. Crown Center for Middle East Studies (Brandeis University), (33).
Burger, T. J., & MacLeod, S. (2004). Gaddafi and the Saudis: The feud lives on (Canadian ed.). Toronto: Time Incorporated. Retrieved from http://mdx.summon.serialssolutions.com/2.0.0/link/0/eLvHCXMwtVxLS8QwEB5cvQiCiopPyEmRUukjfQkeurb1cViFbhdvy9a04GEr6C74851J063Vw-pBCiFJSwIz00nm9QHY1oWhf9MJRWBYonQcwQObC0OUhQiEbZVmnpf4hsskS2f05A5C77HFQGrn_pXxOIesp0LaPzB_sShOYB9FAFsUAmx_JQY3YRSFyZ1EkaLsnjTEG2Aqneo4SuIsQv01ilNNOarUPZUqQxZGfc1O7V7ryxrqNnZDsA4qebjjPeCU5WS13gNajTSRQk3u1lOZju5z5SBsdKXSRrVQWM4X1aeyobvg1S6aM6aLRtkpIZlPxcvz7Kqo9CztwRreLG1SpXE_a85O7nheHfdRe_84IeWxP9yCzQZ_m4U1abdhpah24FyRlSFZGRKS1WS9lH0iKpNEZQ-DXThL4uH1rd5sMMYfi6Ilk6p4nb-P0VwP0H63uL0HGxMqN6hmsixR7APzzJwCzKXpU7Eu93J8fI-w3wJ7kufGAbBlyx4u_-QI1lueHcPq7G1enEBvKj4-AaAjCYQ
Chen, L. W., Chen, T. L., & Liu, H. (2010). Perception of young adults on online games: Implications for higher education. Turkish Online Journal of Educational Technology, 9(3), 76-84.
Creswell, J. W., & Creswell, J. D. (2018). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed method approaches (International student; 5th ed.). Los Angeles: SAGE. Retrieved from http://mdx.summon.serialssolutions.com/2.0.0/link/0/eLvHCXMwY2AwNtIz0EUrE5KALfHklDQLwzRjw0RTQ_NkIyPzZGDnIzEx2TwlBXz1YVCIaViEmZ-jeQATQwTqSIZebkoFdGsV-pmCmAPVlqbAPGxep2igBrv1OjkHGCTGafnJpcXMwN6ZOeiiAwuzSNA2L1NQjW0GbHJDT3-C84FVDdBSpKrGTZCBBbT9QIiBKTVPmEESsntWAZoDixU0oMdEa4ow8MMWzSmkgFdhiDJIurmGOHvoAk2Mh47KxEOcaSTGwJsIWsqeVwLe8pYiwaCQbGaYZpqclGKYmJxkYpoICiLDlDQjo2Rj8J0MyZIMQpgGSWETlGbgAtbvFpARAxkG1jRgik6VBfsMAC43cho
DeYoung, K. (2018, Mar 22,). Saudi prince denies Kushner is ‘in his pocket.’ The Washington Post Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/saudi-prince-denies-kushner-is-in-his-pocket/2018/03/22/701a9c9e-2e22-11e8-8688-e053ba58f1e4_story.html?noredirect=on&utm_term=.92f443989b11
Fotopoulos, T. (2011). The pseudo-revolution in Libya and the degenerate “Left.” International Journal of INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACY, 7(1)
Ignatius, D. (2018, March 1). Are Saudi Arabia’s reforms for real? A recent visit says yes. The Washington Post Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/global-opinions/are-saudi-arabias-reforms-for-real-a-recent-visit-says-yes/2018/03/01/a11a4ca8-1d9d-11e8-9de1-147dd2df3829_story.html?noredirect=on&utm_term=.98d96ec38f59
Jenkins, J. (2017). The gulf and the Muslim Brotherhood Islamism is central to understanding the 2017 GCC diplomatic crisis. Foreign Policy Trends, 33(2)
Justice, P. (2008). Arbitrary detention and unfair trials in the deficient criminal justice system of Saudi Arabia. Human Rights Watch, 20(3)
Kostiner, J. (1996). State, Islam, and opposition in Saudi Arabia: The post-desert storm phase. Terrorism and Political Violence, 8(2), 75-89. doi:10.1080/09546559608427347
Kubersky, R. (2018). Reforms in Saudi Arabia: Real progress or cause of future instability? Retrieved from http://www.sirjournal.org/blogs/2018/2/26/reforms-in-saudi-arabia-real-progress-or-cause-of-future-instability
Mabon, S. (2018). It’s a family affair: Religion, geopolitics and the rise of Mohammed bin Salman. Insight Turkey, 20(2), 51-66. doi:10.25253/99.2018202.04
Mabon, S. (2012). Kingdom in Crisis? The Arab Spring and Instability in Saudi Arabia. Contemporary Security Policy, 33(3), 530-553.
Madawi, A. (2015). Muted Modernists: The Struggle over Divine Politics in Saudi Arabia (London: Hurst Publishing), pp. 33–34
Matthiesen, T. (2015). The domestic sources of Saudi foreign policy: Islamists and the state in the wake of the Arab uprisings. Washington: Brookings Institution, 1-12.
Matthiesen, T. (2012). A” Saudi Spring?”: The Shi’a Protest Movement in the Eastern Province 2011–2012. The Middle East Journal, 66(4), 628-659.
Ménoret, P. (2016). Repression and Protest in Saudi Arabia. Middle East Brief n, 101.
Meijer, R., Aarts, P., Wagemakers, J., & Kanie, M. (2012). Saudi Arabia between conservatism, accommodation, and reform. Clingendael: Netherlands Institute of International Relations.
Qatarileaks. (2017, August 09,). Doha buys al-faqih, al-dokki to attack Saudi Arabia, UAE. Retrieved from https://qatarileaks.com/en/leak/doha-buys-al-faqih-al-dokki-to-attack-saudi-arabia-uae.
Rosie, B. (2012). “Dissent and Its Discontents: Protesting the Saudi State,” in Bassam Haddad, Rosie Bsheer, and Ziad Abu-Rish, The Dawn of the Arab Uprisings: End of an Old Order? London: Pluto Press, pp. 248–259.
Ryan, R. (2005). Saudi Arabia and post 9/11 Islamism opposition. DePaul University:
Salameh, M. G. (2016, July 13,). Saudi Arabia’s vision 2030: A reality or mirage. USAEE Working Paper Retrieved from https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2808611##
Schweizer, K., Steinwascher, M., Moosbrugger, H., & Reiss, S. (2011). The structure of research methodology competency in higher education and the role of teaching teams and course temporal distance. Learning and Instruction, 21(1), 68-76. doi: 10.1016/j.learninstruc.2009.11.002
Stancati, M. (2018, January 10,). Mohammed bin Salman’s next Saudi challenge: Curtailing ultraconservative Islam. The Wall Street Journal Retrieved from https://www.wsj.com/articles/mohammed-bin-salmans-next-saudi-challenge-curtailing-ultraconservative-islam-1515525944
Teitelbaum, J., & Pipes, D. (2001, Holier than thou: Saudi Arabia’s Islamic opposition. Middle East Quarterly, VIII, 75. Retrieved from http://mdx.summon.serialssolutions.com/2.0.0/link/0/eLvHCXMwtV1LS8NAEB4sXhQPtdZXFRYPeiiRJJs0qeChSqUtKIXW4q1ski0G-sK0YP-9M9k8WoWiBy9LMoFN4Bu-nZ18swPAzVtd-8YJHnfqnm5L0_YE-pAua74bGH4g6xgxcKlElvbgrfbScLp534vc9q_Aow2hp0LaP4CfTYoGvEYXwBGdAMdfuUFrNqZ6EkqQkxhoSRmAnlgGYbXxITxSylK-nvwi9KuzearhWo9Zn-McRrUporgGc1MD2pcYs449odold2bR-zIj-m44VySk6tg3EgxGJlVLORFZQKtbqmtGSpqDdru95h7WGgeqTijJaoo3dIb5JAj9xb2caq-9AhS4Q70m3IdOtmY6tq1KIZJX_VgZ4-W-X4R9KgFh6r_JIezIaQnK6kCVFbtmdFqviDsir0pwspFTZZm4sATFRFuI1oRBj4ArPBjhwQiPOxajwRQaNxFLsGA5FmW4emr2H1ta-q1D4VGCyl9EQ9z5Y7RlmOYxHAgqVpgu4qLG4BQYxrVSd6WQ3BhZPpe4y7E81-COJWlL7p5BZcuM51ufVmAvB_ECdkfoyPISCpPg8wvYVCOc
Thompson, M. C. (2017). Saudi vision 2030: A viable response to youth aspirations and concerns? Asian Affairs, 48(2), 205-221.
Place this order or similar order and get an amazing discount.
When war broke out in America in 1775, the British forces were not logistically prepared. When compared with the rebelling colonies the logistics system used by the British appeared efficient superficially, but it had deep cracks and fissures that would eventually cost the British Empire the war. Its soldiers were never short of food or water, and military supplies were sufficient for all the men involved in the battle. Logistics of this scale would not be witnessed for almost two centuries until the Allies invaded North Africa during the Second World War. The major failure of the logistics system was in its resupply network, which should have been identified and rectified as the war wore on (Bowler, 24).
Logistics And The British Defeat
This was not done and therefore the downfall of the British Army in the war began. A close examination of the manner in which the British Empire supplied its troops both in the colonies and from the mother country reveals how the absence, or presence, of crucial materials can affect military expeditions. Eventually, the absence of adequate supplies in reserve, coupled with rampant corruption, insufficient transportation and cautious generalship led to the defeat of the British Army (Christopher, 34).
Logistical Issues
The Treasury Department
The British Treasury Department was mainly responsible for the maintenance of food supplies, including forage for the animals used during the war (Bowler, 65). It is worth noting that during this time, men fought primarily on horseback and depended on horses for mobility and flexibility. Their horses had to be fed.
The Navy Board
This board was responsible for transporting clothing, cavalry and infantry supplies, tents, hospital supplies and other camping equipment (Bowler, 16). The Navy Board was to ensure that troops were well equipped to go to war at anytime, anywhere.
The Ordnance Board
Responsible for engineers, guns, artillery, and other ordnance stores including ammunition.
The Treasury Department was ill prepared for the beginning of the war. At the time, the British Army was a colonial garrison force, and there was no central command since England lacked the general staff to serve there (Buel, 39). There were no army officers in the command hierarchy above the level of regiment before the start of the Revolutionary War. The Navy Board can be said to have been better organized than the Treasury, mainly because Britain was a major naval power. At the time, Britain had the largest and most powerful navy in the world. Since 1689, the Quartermaster General together with his department had been existent in the British Army; and the department was its most senior service department.
In contrast to today when the duties of quartermasters are strictly logistical, the Quartermaster General of Britain in the 18th century was charged with other duties. He was what would be known today as a chief of staff to the Commanding General, and therefore issues of supply formed just a section of the many spheres of work he engaged in. He was charged with coordinating other staff departments like operations and intelligence, and also assumed command of troops whenever the army launched an attack. This clearly indicates that he had little chance of focusing all his attention to the supply of food and forage to the personnel and animals involved in the war in America (Huston, 42). After the Quartermaster General’s Department, the next in line was the Commissary. The head of this department (the Commissary General) was a civilian.
The number of staff who served under him in the colonies steadily grew to 300. The purchase of fresh food supplies became the biggest supply problem for the British Army. The Commissary Department was riddled with so much corruption and the very first Commissary General (Daniel Chamier) was also dishonest apart from being incompetent. His biggest failure was the inability to file accurate reports on the total number of personnel in the colonies who were in need of rations. The downside was that the Treasury relied upon the figures given to it by Mr. Chaimer as a basis for shipping requirements and ration acquisition. The total requirement Chaimer sent to England was regularly short by an average of 4,000 rations. In addition to this, officers, refugees, children and wives and other people who were supposed to receive a share of the rations delivered to the army (Buel, 96).
The Barracks Master General had other duties apart from his main task of ensuring that all troops were properly and adequately accommodated in the garrisons.
He was charged with supplying them with stoves, cots, tents and other camping equipment they required to survive in the field. He was also responsible for supplying fuel, which was mainly firewood until the discovery of coal which replaced firewood in the later stages of the war. Just like the majority of the British Army’s service support corps, the Barracks Master General always used his position for personal profit. In the colonies, Engineer and Medical departments formed the last of the support staff under the leadership of the Commanding General.
Corruption And Profiteering
Corruption and profiteering were very rampant in the British logistics system. The service corps was dominated by individuals who had the least concern for ethics and good leadership. It is however worth mentioning that under the British Law at that time, a majority of practices that we define as legal today were not crimes (Huston, 39). They were never considered to be ethically or morally wrong during the 18th century. It was common for commissaries to keep the “fifth quarter” of slaughtered livestock for themselves. This “fifth quarter” was the tallow, hide and the head, and they would be sold for profit by whoever managed to lay his hands on them. Although such behavior was tolerated, it eventually contributed to the development of more unethical practices.
For example, the contractors in Britain who supplied food for shipment to the colonies regularly provided quantities of cereals like rice or flour that were considerably less than the required amount. There could be as much as 10% shortage in a single barrel of flour (Bowler, 187). There is no single record of what happened to the millions of bags, crates, barrels, boxes and other containers sent to America.
Majority of the consignments arrived in a poor state and probably would have been thrown away, but it is impossible to imagine that the commissaries could have sold them for profit. The other policy which was frequently abused by the Commissary General and his staff involved the cattle that were captured during battle or raids on farms and homes (Christopher, 81). Fresh meat was always in great demand, and the army had no reluctance in paying each soldier one dollar for every head of cattle that was brought to the camps. The Commissary General routinely took advantage of this and paid soldiers the dollar they were supposed to be given and then sold the cattle to the army at their current market value. They consequently made huge personal profits from this dishonest practice. The reimbursement of civilians for commandeered supplies was not spared either. It was transformed into an income generating venture by the men in the commissary.
If the army had to commander supplies from local farms, the troops were supposed to give each farmer a receipt to take to the commissary in order to get their reimbursements. They however rarely got their money (Buel, 94). This could be because they were afraid or because they knew reimbursement was unlikely to be given to them. What the commissaries did is they took the money meant for the reimbursement and later reported that it had been claimed. Transportation in the British logistics system was also corrupted. According to a parliamentary commission that reviewed the expenditure of public money in 1781, the majority of horses and wagons that were hired to provide support to the British Army in the colonies were owned by officers who worked in the department of the Quartermaster General.
Funnily enough, they were the same officers who were charged with the responsibility of conducting the hiring process (Huston, 27). This would be a blatant violation of ethics in today’s ethical standards.
Conclusion
The experience of the British in the American Revolutionary War is very important for the militaries of today. Although numerous changes have been witnessed in the area of military technology and organization in the last 200 years, American forces still have a hard time dealing with many of the similar problems that hampered the resupply effort of the British. Logisticians in force projection armies still have to solve the problem of delivering supplies over long distances, relying upon the support of the host nation and conquering the constraints of resource. The most important thing to note is that when logistics is not planned in detail, military operations still suffer a great deal.
References
Bowler, R. Arthur. Logistics And the Failure Of the British Army In America 1775-1783. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995.
Buel, Richard. In Irons: Britain’s Naval Supremacy And The Revolutionary Economy. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004.
Huston, James A. Logistics of Liberty: American Services Of Supply In The Revolutionary War
And After. Newark, DE: University of Delaware Press, 1993.
Christopher Hibbert. The American Revolution Through British Eyes. New York: Avon Books, 1997.
Place this order or similar order and get an amazing discount.
During the eighteenth century, many Americans enjoyed a lot of liberty than other people in the world. They went on to pay low taxes and boycotted imports. In the American Revolution, slaves were not affected by the tea taxes or stamp duties. The black population was the main race used in the revolution, uprising and slavery. They were also used in the mobilization of revolutionary groups.
Pre-American Revolutionary Period
In particular, the duties and taxes imposed, did not affect the black population and the slaves, but Gary Nash one of the successful historians states that “Even as the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s and 1970s created an intense interest in the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century roots of America’s race problem, many historians continued to deny that the founding fathers could have done anything about slavery.”pg.5
[1]Many historians have stated abolition of slavery in different southern states would lead to the breakdown of political parties. In Gary Nash’s words, “In offering a political explanation for the failure of the revolutionary generation to abolish slavery, historians of our era have usually cited the fragility of the new nation.”pg.6. The leaders’ certainty to attempt stopping force abolition on the southern states would destroy the politically aware union that was united during the war and after.
When social upheaval was experienced in the towns and cities where the blacks lived, black people got a chance to flee. According to estimates done by Thomason Jefferson, thirty thousand slaves had run away when the British invaded Virginia in 1781. Some of the slaves united with the black regiment of Virginia’s governor Lord Dunmore’s, where the governor promised them freedom in exchange of the slaves disobeying their masters[2]. Some of the slaves and blacks were recruited to join guerilla bands fighting the patriots. In search of freedom, many of these blacks and slaves succumbed to diseases, malnutrition and battle wounds. Towards the end of the American Revolution, many black loyalists were exiled to Jamaica and others to Florida. The black community in America came from people who were slaves during the revolution.
They were either liberated by state law; others rebelled or ran away and managed to stay in America. The population of African Americans increased during the nineteenth century. While this population was complete of diverse racial origin before the war started, many blacks can now express the role done by free men. In addition, the black population reminds the white population that the color of a skin cannot dictate abilities or freedom of a person.
During the American Revolution, slave rebellions supported the theory of Governor Robert that any emergency dividing the white people could enable the slaves to rebel. A white man in New York heard slaves collaborating on how to get gun powders for an insurgence plot. In Georgia, slaves formed a revolution in December 1774 killing four whites. They were later captured and burned to death. Few slaves with little education were able to create a written challenge to the bondage hypocrisy between wars for freedom. In Massachusetts, a group of black people petitioned the state assembly and Boston’s governor in 1773 conveying gratitude for the slave abolishment attempts saying that the people of Boston seem like they have being actuated by justice principles. In 1775, the African American population from Bristol and Worcester appealed to the Committees of Correspondence for their freedom[3].
In their response, the Worcester County Convention passed a resolution stating that any human race enslavement had being abolished. Some white and black abolitionists kept wider appeals that addressed the general public and state assemblies. In Virginia, the black population signed up with the British army to attain freedom. More than five thousand black people were serving in colonial militias and involved themselves in revolution battles. Crispus Attucks, who was a black man, was among the five colonists who were shot dead in the Boston massacre[4]. In Bunker Hill, black soldiers were among the people who fought at the first main revolutionary clash. Among them was Salem Poor from Massachusetts.
He was a slave and acquired his freedom in 1769 through a lot of struggle. Other fourteen officers in the same regime like Salem Poor petitioned the Massachusetts general court to mention poor as one of the brave soldiers who had behaviors of an experienced officer. Even thought there were more than four thousand colonist who fought at Bunker Hill, Poor was the only one whose existing records indicated that he was singled out for his extraordinary services. When the war came to an end, one white person wrote a biography remembering his terror when the Bunker Hill hostilities started. He saw bodies of soldiers lying on the Boston Common.
One of the things that heartened him was a Negro’s body wounded and blood running down the body. The Negro was saying that the he was not minding of the wounds he had. In 1775, Continental Generals informed the congress there were Negroes in various regiments in Massachusetts. Slave commanders like George Washington showed fears and at the determination of representatives who were from South Carolina an area with a lot of slaves, the black population was barred from joining the Continental Army. When times became tougher for the colonists after fighting for a year, the Continental Congress reevaluated. Washington agreed by allowing some northern states to plead with black people[5].
In addition, in 1776, Washington re-authorized mobilization for blacks who had experience in military. In 1777, as the situation of Continental Army became worried due to disappearances from nasty encampments from the winter, mobilization was extended for all the black population[6]. When the British Military shifted its operations in the black territory in the late 1778, upper south states unwillingly accepted the black population. Gordon Wood (118) stated that “the Virginia army and navy were full of African Americans and slaves served as alternatives for their masters in North Carolina and Delaware.” Authorization of slave mobilization was done in Maryland and the black populations were also recruited.
In conclusion, the white population in the lower south states was firmly in opposing the mobilization of the black population who were working in the rice swamps. Even when the congress offered 1,000 dollars for every slave they mobilized in 1779, south Carolina and Georgia went on to refuse. They tried to reimburse more than twice the 400 dollars they presented to slave owners in Rhode Island. Even when a large population of the blacks remained to be poor, the success stories were termed to be powerful symbols for the whole black community[7]. The white population questioning racial equality and black populations’ ability saw the success. When the revolution took place, South Carolina and Georgia hardened their dependence on slave labor and the strong resistance to any kind of mobilization. When hundreds of mulattoes fled the revolution in Haiti for America, the black population did not populate the lower south until 1790s.
Bibliography
Gary, Nash, Race and Revolution (Madison, WI: Madison House, 1990), 1-10.
Virginia Declaration of Rights, 12 June 1776, http://www.ushistory.org/declaration/related/vabor.htm, accessed 26 October 2012.
Gordon S. Wood, The Radicalism of the American Revolution (New York: Vintage Books, 1991), 118.
[1] Gary, Nash, Race and Revolution (Madison, WI: Madison House, 1990), 1-10.
[2] Virginia Declaration of Rights, 12 June 1776, http://www.ushistory.org/declaration/related/vabor.htm, accessed 26 October 2012.
[3] Virginia Declaration of Rights, 12 June 1776, http://www.ushistory.org/declaration/related/vabor.htm, accessed 26 October 2012.
[4] Virginia Declaration of Rights, 12 June 1776, http://www.ushistory.org/declaration/related/vabor.htm, accessed 26 October 2012.
[5] Virginia Declaration of Rights, 12 June 1776, http://www.ushistory.org/declaration/related/vabor.htm, accessed 26 October 2012.
[6] Gordon S. Wood, The Radicalism of the American Revolution (New York: Vintage Books, 1991), 118.
[7] Virginia Declaration of Rights, 12 June 1776, http://www.ushistory.org/declaration/related/vabor.htm, accessed 26 October 2012.
Place this order or similar order and get an amazing discount.
Malcolm X and His Contribution to Islamic Religion
Malcolm X was a human right activist and Muslim minister of African-American origin. He was born in May 19, 1925 and was assassinated at the age of 40. Malcolm X was popularly known to many as El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz, the Islamic name he gave following his commitment to the fundamentals and Islamic ideologies (Sabrina 4). While growing up among the whites in Michigan, Malcolm X started developing mistrust for the white Americans following the believe that it was the white terrorist who murdered his father while he was six years (Turner 61-2). This incident marked the transformation of this little man as he turned to crime upon moving to Harlem. At the age of 20, Malcolm X was arrested and taken to prison for criminal offense (larceny, breaking, and entering). During his prison life, Malcolm X joined the Nation of Islam; a movement founded by Wallece Fard in the 1930s (DeCaro 76). He rose to the ranks to become a leader in the Nation of Islam. He opted for the name X, believing that he had lost his true lineage following forced slavery on his African ancestors. For years, Malcolm X featured as the public face of this controversial Islamic group that believed and worshipped Allah and also lived to Mohammed’s teachings. In protecting the Nation Islam’s teachings, Malcolm X strongly advocated for Black-White separation, scoffed at the American’s civil rights movement, and espoused black supremacy by emphasizing on white-black integration (Kly 77).
Malcolm X and His Contribution to Islamic Religion
Following the mysterious disappearance of Fard, Elijah Muhammad ascended to the leadership of the movement. The Nation of Islam became very powerful and influential, especially among the African-Americans who had been released from prison and where in search of help and guidance (Turner 54). The group preached strict adherence to moral codes and relied on fellow African-Americans for guidance and support. The primary goal of this movement was not integration, but empowering the blacks to establish their own churches, support networks, and schools (DeCaro 85). After making his personal conversion to Muhammad, Malcolm X’s talents were recognized by Elijah, making to become the spokesperson of the Black Muslims. Having been disillusioned with Muhammad and the Nation of Islam, Malcolm X led repudiation to the Nation of Islam and its fundamental teachings (Sabrina 6-7). It was after this walkout that Malcolm X embraced Sunni Islam. Following years of Middle East and African travels, Malcolm founded the popular Organization of Afro-American Unity and the Muslim Mosque, Inc. upon his return to the U.S.
While emphasizing the concept of Pan-Africanism, black self-defense, and black self-determination, Malcolm X disavowed the then prevailing racism. His repudiation of the Nation of Islam prompted his assassination by a three-member team from the Nation of Islam movement. Malcolm X significantly contributed to the growth and development of Islamic region in the U.S. and other parts of the world (DeCaro 98). Through his inspirational and eloquent prose style, he electrified urban audiences, thus, impacting on their religious choices. His contribution to the spread of Islamic religion was facilitated by the establishment of the Mecca pilgrimage in 1964, a place that has since attracted Muslim faithful (Kly 65-6). His mission in supporting the spread of Islam came to an end on February 21, 1965 when the rival Black Muslims group arranged for his gunning down while he was leading a mass Muslim rally in Harlem (Sabrina 9). Although Malcolm X is no more, his Islamic ideologies and philosophies lived to be embraced by the Black Power Movement and the rest of the Muslim followers globally.
Works Cited
DeCaro, Louis A. Malcolm and the Cross: The Nation of Islam, Malcolm X, and Christianity. New York [u.a.: New York Univ. Press, 1998. Print.
Kly, Yussuf Naim, ed. The Black Book: The True Political Philosophy of Malcolm X (El Hajj Malik El Shabazz). Atlanta: Clarity Press, 2008.
Sabrina, Zerar. Malcolm X’s Ideology: From the Puritan/Nation-of-Islam Doctrine to Independence Rhetoric. GRIN Verlag, 2010.
Turner, Richard Brent. “Islam in the African-American Experience”. In Bobo, Jacqueline; Hudley, Cynthia; Michel, Claudine. The Black Studies Reader. New York: Routledge, 2004.
Place this order or similar order and get an amazing discount.